LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


ILLUSTRATED  NATIONAL 

CAMPAIGN  HAND-BOOK, 

FOR    I860. 
IN  TWO  PARTS— ONE  VOLUME* 


M^  ELLS' 

ILLUSTRATED  NATIONAL 

CAMPAIGN  HAND-BOOK 

FOR    I860. 


iTART  FIRST. 


EUBRACINa  THE 


LIVES  OF  ALL  THE  CANDIDATES  FOR  PRESIDENT  AND 

VICE-PRFSIDENT : 


INCLCDINO 


JOHN  BELL  AND  EDWAKD  EVEKETT, 

CANDIDATES    OF    THE    NATIONAL    UNION    PARTY. 

ABE  AH  AM  LINCOLN  AND  HANIBAL  HAMLIN, 

CANDIDATES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

STEPH.  A.  DOUGLAS  AND  HERSCHEL  V.  JOHNSON 

CANDIDATES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

JOHN  C.  BEECKINIIIDGE  AND  JOSEPH  LANE, 

CANDIDATES  OF  T^E  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

SAM  HOUSTON, 

INDEPENDENT  CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


PORTRAITS  OF  EACH, 

ENGRAVED    EXPRESSLY    FOR    THIS    WORK   FROM    AMBROTYPES 
TAKEN    FROM    LIFE. 


57  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

NEW   YORK : 

J.  G.  WELLS,  COR.  PARK-ROW  AND  BEEKMAN  STREET. 

CINCINNATI,  OHIO  : 

MACK  R.  BARNITZ,  38  AND  40  WEST  FOURTH  STREET. 

ISfiO. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in. the  year  1860,  by 

J.  G.  WELLS, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  Difitrict  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of 

New-York. 


J.    H.    TOBITT, 

'    COMBINATION-TYPE      PRINTER, 

1  Franklin  Square,  iV".  T. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAKT    I. 

PAaa. 
Bkll,  John,  Life  of     ----...  .13 

Breckinridge,  John  C,  Life  of            -          -          -          -          •          -  141 

Breckinridge  Party,  Platform  of  the           .....  igg 

Douglas,  Stephen  Arnold,  Life  of         ......  gi 

Douglas  Party,  Platform  of  the      ......  193 

Everett,  Edward,  Life  of  --.....23 

Hamlin,  Hanibal,  Life  of       -          .          .          .          .          .          .  07 

Houston,  Sam  Life  of     -          -          .          .          .          .          .          -  177 

Independent  Party,  Platform  of  the          .....  199' 

Johnson,  Herschel  V.,  Life  of-          -          .          -          .          .          .  131 

Lane,  Joseph,  Life  of  - 169 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  Life  of        •-.....  45 

National  Pemocratic  Party,    .......  77 

National  Bepubliean  Party,      ---....  39 

National  Union  Party,  Platform  of  the    -           -           .           .           .  189 

National  Republican  Party,  Platform  of  the         ....  i89 

Party  Platforms  for  1860,          .......  189 


'<r4 


PORTRAITS. 


BELL,    JOHN H 

BRECKINRIDGE,   JOHN   C. 139 

EVERETT,  EDWARD 21 

DOUGLAS,  STEPHEN  A. 79 

HAMLIN,  HANIBAL           - 65 

HOUSTON,  SAM         '-           .           .                      .                     •           -  175 

JOHNSON,  HERSCHEL  V.          - 129 

LANE,  JOSEPH 167 

LINCOLN,  ABRAHAM       ...                     ...  43 


JOHN    BELL, 

OF  TENNESSEE, 

CANDIDATE  OF   THE  NATIONAL  UNION  PARTY, 


FOR    PRESIDENT. 


POLITICAL   PARTIES 


AND 


CANDIDATES 


FOB 


PRESIDENT  AND  VICE-PRESIDENT. 


AKRA2IGED   IN  THEIR   ORDER   OF   NOMINATION. 


*  t0t   » 


THE  NATIONAL  UNION  PAETY. 

This  party  is  composed  principallj  of  the  members 
of  the  old  Whig  and  American  parties,  who  oppose 
the  Democrats,  and  profess  to  view  the  Kepnblicans  as 
too  sectional.  Its  organization  was  proposed  in  an  ad- 
dress issued  within  the  last  year  from  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, where  a  central  club  was  formed,  of  which  the 
Hon.  John  J.  Crittenden  was  Chairman. 

The  party  met  in  National  Convention  at  the  city  of 
Baltimore,  on  the  ninth  day  of  May,  and  nominated, 
after  a  short  session,  marked  with  great  decorum  and 
harmony,  as  their  Candidates : 

Hon.  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  for  President ; 

Hon.  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice- 
President. 
13 


14  JOHN    BELL. 

JOHN  BELL, 

OF    TENNESSEE, 

CANDIDATE     FOR    THE     PRESIDENCY, 

Was  bora  near  Nashville  in  that  State,  on  the  18th  of 
February,  1797.  He  is  the  son  of  a  farmer  in  moderate 
circumstances,  but  who  was  able  nevertheless  to  give 
his  son  a  good  education  at  Cumberland  College,  now 
the  Kashville  University.  After  the  close  of  his  colle- 
giate course  he  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1816.  He  settled  at  Franklin,  Williamson 
County,  Tenn,,  and  soon  obtained  a  respectable  prac- 
tice, as  well  as  an  enviable  reputation  for  ability.  His 
political  career  began  early,  for  in  1817  he  was  elected 
to  the  State  Senate,  being  at  the  time  only  twenty 
years  of  age.  His  talents  were  as  readily  acknow- 
ledged in  the  Forum  as  at  the  Bar ;  but  recognizing 
the  error  of  aspiring  to  political  honors  at  so  early  a 
period  of  life,  he  declined  a  re-election,  and  for  nine 
years  succeeding  devoted  his  energies  to  his  profession, 
in  which  he  met  with  eminent  success. 

In  1826,  Mr.  Bell  became  a  Candidate  for  Congress 
against  Felix  Grundy,  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  popu- 
lar men  in  the  State,  who  had  the  powerful  support  of 
General  Jackson,  and  then  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency against  John  Quincy  Adams.  Notwithstanding 
this  great  odds,  after  an  exciting  and  animated  canvass 
of  twelve  months,  Mr.  Bell  was  elected  in  1827  by  one 
thousand   majority.     By  successive  elections   he   con- 


JOHN    BELL.  15 

tinned  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
fourteen  years. 

He  entered  Congress  a  strong  admirer  of  John  C. 
Calhoun,  and  opposed  as  strongly  to  the  Protective 
system,  against  which  he  made  an  able  speech  in  1832. 
Subsequent  investigation  and  reflection  induced  him  to 
change  his  opinions  on  that  subject,  and  he  has 
remained  ever  since  an  earnest  advocate  of  the  policy 
of  protecting  American  Industry.  Although  opposed 
to  the  appropriation  of  money  by  the  General  Govern- 
ment for  roads  and  canals  in  the  States,  except  great 
roads  for  mihtary  purposes,  such  as  the  Pacific  Rail- 
road, he  has  always  favored  the  policy  of  improving 
great  rivers  and  lake  harbors. 

With  all  his  admiration  for  Mr,  Calhoun,  Mr.  Bell 
decidedly  opposed  the  doctrine  of  Nullification,  and 
was  made  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  with  special  reference  to  the 
questions  connected'  with  that  subject  which  might 
have  to  be  considered  and  reported  upon.  He  retained 
his  position  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Judiciary 
Affairs  for  ten  years.  He  was  in  favor  of  a  United 
States  Bank,  although  he  voted  against  the  re-charter 
of  that  institution  in  1832,  because  he  believed  the  sub- 
ject was  brought  forward  at  the  time,  four  years  before 
the  expiration  of  the  old  charter,  merely  for  the  pur- 
pose of  defeating  General  Jackson  in  the  ensuing  Pre- 
sidential Election ;  and  because  he  was  convinced  the 
President  would  veto  the  bill,  which  proved  to  be  the 
case.  He  protested  against  the  removal  of  the  deposits, 
and  refused  to  vote  for  a  resolution  approving  that 
measure.     This  refusal  was  one  of  the  causes  which  led 


16  JOHN   BELL. 

to  the  breach  between  himself,  President  Jackson, 
and  the  Democratic  party,  and  finally  to  his  co-opera- 
tion with  the  Whigs.  He  was  elected  to  the  Speaker- 
ship of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  1834.  In  June 
of  that  year  Mr.  Stevenson  resigned  the  chair  upon  be- 
ing nominated  minister  to  Great  Britain,  and  Mr.  Bell 
was  elected  to  succeed  him  in  opposition  to  James  K. 
Polk,  since  President  of  the  United  States,  who  was 
the  candidate  of  the  administration  and  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Mr.  Bell,  on  this  occasion,  was  supported 
by  the  Whigs  and  by  a  portion  of  the  Democratic 
party  who  were  opposed  to  the  intended  nomination  of 
Martin  Van  Buren  as  successor  to  President  Jackson. 
The  principal  ground  of  Mr.  Bell's  opposition  to  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  was  his  strong  disapproval  of  the  system  of 
removals  from  subordinate  offices  for  merely  political 
reasons — a  system  which  Mr.  Yan  Buren  had  zealously 
promoted  in  the  party  conflicts  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  which,  it  was  supposed,  he  intended  to  carry 
out  to  its  full  extent  in  the  administration  of  the 
Federal  Government.  The  tendencies  of  such  a  use  of 
executive  patronage  had  been  vividly  displayed  by 
Mr.  Bell  in  a  speech  in  the  House  on  the  freedom  of 
elections;  and  he  had  made  repeated,  though  inef- 
fectual, efforts  in  successive  Congresses  to  procure  the 
enactment  of  laws  calculated  to  check  that  policy. 

The  final  separation  between  Mr.  Bell  and  General 
Jackson  took  place  in  1835,  when  Mr.  Bell  declared 
himself  in  favor  of  Judge  White  for  the  Presidency,  in 
opposition  to  Mr.  Yan  Buren.  Up  to  that  time  there 
had  been  no  opposition  to  General  Jackson's  ad- 
ministration in  Tennessee,  and  it  was   generally  sup- 


JOHN   BELL.  lY 

posed  that  his  personal  and  political  influence  could 
not  fail  to  subdue  the  opposition  raised  by  Judge 
White  and  his  friends.  The  whole  force  of  the  admin- 
istration, and  of  Jackson's  personal  popularity,  was 
exerted  to  this  end.  But  Judge  White  carried  the 
State  by  a  large  majority,  and  Mr.  Bell  was  re-elected 
to  Congress  in  the  Hermitage  district  itself  by  as  great 
a  vote  as  ever,  and  an  impulse  was  given  to  the  politi- 
cal character  of  Tennessee  wliich  arrayed  it  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Democracy  during  the  four  succeeding 
presidential  elections  of  1840,  18M,  1848,  and  1852. 

When  the  reception  of  the  petitions  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  agitated  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  1866,  Mr.  Bell  alone, 
of  the  Tennessee  delegation,  favored  the  reception,  and 
though  assailed  at  home,  was  sustained  by  the  people, 
subsequently,  in  1838.  When  Atherton's  resolutions 
were  introduced,  proposing  to  receive  and  lay  those 
resolutions  on  the  table,  he  maintained  his  consistency 
by  voting  in  the  negative,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
referred  and  reported  upon.  When  President  Harrison 
formed  his  administration  in  1841,  he  invited  Mr.  Bell 
to  accept  the  War  Department,  which  he  did.  With 
the  rest  of  the  Cabinet,  Mr.  Webster  only  excepted,  he 
resigned  office  on  the  separation  of  President  Tyler  from 
the  Whig  party,  in  the  autumn  of  that  year. 

The  Whig  majority  in  the  next  Tennessee  legislature 
which  met  after  his  withdrawal  from  the  Cabinet  offered 
him  the  office  of  United  States  Senator,  which,  however, 
he  declined  in  favor  of  Ephraim  H.  Foster,  who  had 
rendered  service  to  the  Whig  party  which  Mr.  Bell 
thought  deserving  that  recognition.     Mr.  Foster  was 


18  JOHN   BELL. 

accordingly  elected,  and  Mr.  Bell  remained  in  volun- 
tary retirement  until  called  upon  by  the  people  of  his 
district,  in  1847,  to  represent  tliem  in  the  State  Senate, 
in  which  year,  on  the  occurrence  of  a  vacancy,  he  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  to  which  he  was  re- 
elected in  1853 ;  his  term  of  service  expired  March  4, 
1859. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Bell  has  steadily  opposed  the 
policy  of  annexing  Mexico  and  other  Spanish- American 
States  to  the  Union.  He  was  in  favor  of  the  compro- 
mise measures  of  1850,  but  desired  to  see  the  issues 
then  made  fully  settled  at  the  time  by  the  division  of 
Texas  into  States,  as  provided  by  the  act  of  annexation, 
because  he  apprehended,  whenever  that  question  came 
up,  the  harmony  of  the  Union  might  again  be  disturbed. 

In  1854,  when  the  Nebraska  bill  was  presented  to 
the  Senate,  Mr.  Bell  protested  against  its  passing,  as  a 
violation  of  the  Missouri  compact,  and  as  unsettling  the 
principles  established  by  the  Compromise  act  of  1850, 
and  as  re-opening  a  sectional  controversy,  which  might 
imperil  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  Union. 

In  March,  1858,  Mr.  Bell  took  decided  ground  against 
the  so-called  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  made  an 
.elaborate  speech,  charging  that  that  measure  tended 
directly  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Union. 

He  is  succeeded  in  the  Senate  by  A.  O.  P.  Nicholson. 
Mr.  Bell  ranks  high  in  the  esteem  of  men  of  all  parties 
for  intelligence,  patriotism,  and  elevated  moral  charac- 
ter. He  is  a  statesman  whose  opinions  are  formed 
with  great  caution  ;  the  excess  of  this  characteristic 
gives  sometimes  the  appearance  of  indecision  to  his 
course:  but,  when  once  convinced,  he  is  firm  and  tena- 


JOHN    BELL.  19 

cious.  His  speeches  have  been  able  and  argumen- 
tative, and  what  he  says  always  commands  respect. 
Without  any  reference  to  his  political  sentiments,  or 
his  prospects  of  success,  it  may  be  said  with  pride,  that 
his  course  has  been  eminently  useful  to  his  country, 
and  honorable  to  himself. 


ED\VARD    EVERETT, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

CANDIDATE   OF   THE   NATIONAL   UNION    PARTY, 

FOR    VICE    PRESIDENT. 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  '  23 


EDWARD    EVERETT, 


OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 


CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY. 

This  statesman,  orator  and  man  of  letters,  now  can- 
didate of  the  Union  Party  for  Yice-President,  was  born 
in  Dorchester,  Massachussetts,  April  11th,  1794.  He 
entered  Harvard  College  in  1807,  at  the  earlj  age  of 
thirteen,  and  graduated  in  course  in  1811,  with  the 
highest  honors,  in  a  class  containing  more  than  an 
average  amount  of  ability.  While  an  under-graduate, 
he  was  the  principal  conductor  of  a  magazine,  pub- 
lished by  the  students,  called  the  "Harvard  Lyceum." 
He  left  behind  him  at  the  college  a  very  brilliant  rep- 
utation as  a  scholar  and  writer,  which  long  lingered 
there  in  tradition. 

For  some  time  after  finishing  his  college  course  he 
remained  there  as  a  tutor,  at  the  same  time  pursuing 
his  studies  in  divinity — the  profession  he  had  selected. 

In  1812  he  delivered  a  spirited  poem  before  the  Phi 
Beta  Kappa  Society  on  American  Poets. 

In  1813  he  was  selected  as  pastor  over  the  Brattle 
Street  Church,  in  Boston,  filling  the  place  left  vacant 
by  the  lamented  Buckminster.  He  immediately  won 
great  admiration  by  the  eloquence  and  power  of  his 
pulpit  discourses. 

In  1814  he  published  a  work  entitled  "Defence  of 
Christianity,"  against  a  work  of  George  Bethune  Etig- 


24  EDWARD    EVERETT. 

lisb,  entitled  the  "  Grounds  of  ChriBtianity  examined, 
by  comparing  the  New  Testament  with  the  Old,"  In 
the  same  year  he  was  chosen  by  the  Corporation  of 
Harvard  College  to  fill  the  chair  of  Greek  Literature, 
a  professorship  then  recently  created  by  the  bounty  of 
the  late  Samuel  Eliot.  With  a  view  of  qualifying  him- 
self for  the  duties  of  this  post,  he  entered  upon  an 
extended  course  of  European  travel  and  study,  leav- 
ing home  in  the  spring  of  1815,  and  returning  in  the 
autumn  of  1819.  After  a  brief  stay  in  England,  he 
proceeded  to  the  University  of  Gottingen,  where  he 
remained  for  two  years. 

In  the  winter  of  1817-18  he  was  in  Paris.  In  the 
spring  of  1818  he  went  to  England,  where  he  was 
kindly  received  by  many  of  the  leading  men  of  the 
day,  including  Scott,  Byron,  Jeffrey,  Campbell,  Mack- 
intosh, Romilly  and  Davy.  He  spent  some  days  under 
Scott's  hospitable  roof  at  Abbotsford. 

Returning  to  the  Continent,  he  passed  the  winter  in 
Italy,  and  thence  made  a  journey  into  Greece,  return- 
ing through  Wallachia  and  Plungary  to  Yieima. 

During  his  residence  in  Europe,  his  range  of  study 
embraced  the  ancient  classics,  the  modern  languages, 
the  history  and  principles  of  civil  and  public  laws 
as  professed  in  the  German  Universities,  and  a  com- 
prehensive examination  of  the  existing  political  system 
of  Europe. 

On  his  return  home,  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of 
his  professorship.  He  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  study 
of  classical  literature  by  a  series  of  brilliant  lectures 
upon  Greek  literature  and  ancient  art,  first  delivered 


EDWAKU    EVERETT.  25 

to  the  students  at  Cambridge,  and  afterwards  repeated 
before  large  audiences  in  Boston. 
•  At  the  same  time  he  took  the  editorship  of  the 
'*  North  American  Review,"  which  he  conducted  until 
1824.  His  object  in  assuming  the  cliarge  of  this  peri- 
odical was  to  imbue  it  with  a  thoroughly  national 
spirit,  and  in  pursuance  thereof  he  contributed  a  series 
of  articles,  in  which  this  country  was  defended  with 
great  spirit  against  the  shallow  and  flippant  attacks 
of  several  foreign  travelers.  He  also  found  time  to 
prepare  and  publish  a  translation  of  Buttman's  Greek 
Grammar. 

In  1824  he  made  his  first  essay  in  that  department 
of  demonstrative  oratory,  w^hich  he  has  since  cultivated 
with  such  signal  success,  by  the  delivery  of  a  discourse 
before  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  on  the  "  Circum- 
stances favorable  to  the  Progress  of  Literature  in 
America."  An  immense  audience  came  to  hear  him. 
He  was  heard  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  and  delight. 
A  writer  in  the  "  Christian  Examiner"  of  Nov.,  1850, 
speaking  of  his  recollection  of  that  memorable  occa- 
sion, says: — 

"  The  sympathies  of  his  audience  went  with  him  in  a  rush- 
"  ing  stream,  as  he  painted  in  glowing  hues  the  political, 
"  social  and  literary  future  of  our  country.  They  drank  with 
"  thirsty  ears  his  rapid  generalizations  and  his  sparkling 
"  rhetoric  :  the  whole  assembly  put  on  one  countenance  of 
"admiration  and  assent.  As  with  skillful  and  flying  hands 
"  the  orator  ran  over  the  chord  of  national  pride  and  patri- 
"  otic  feeling,  every  bosom  throbbed  in  unison  to  his  touch  ; 
"  and  when  the  fervid  declamation  of  the  concluding  para- 
"  graph  was  terminated  by  the  simple  pathos  of  the  personal 
2 


26  KDWAKD    EVEKETT. 

"  address  to  Lafayette,  who  was  present,  his  hearers  were 
"  left  in  a  state  of  emotion  far  too  deep  for  tumultuoua 
"applause." 

This  was  the  lirst  of  a  series  of  discourses,  pronounced 
b}^  Mr.  Everett,  on  public  occasions  between  that  time 
and  the  present,  embracing  every  variety  of  topic 
connected  wdth  our  national  history,  character,  and 
prospects,  and  which  combine  in  an  eminent  degree 
the  peculiar  cliarm  of  popular  oratory,  with  those  sub- 
stantial merits  of  thought  and  style  which  bear  the 
close  criticism  of  the  closet. 

Mr.  Everett's  public  life  began  in  1824-,  when  he 
was  elected  to  Congress.  His  nomination  was  made 
without  his  being  consulted,  and  was  a  spontaneous 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  young  men  of  his  district, 
almost  without  distinction  of  party.  He  was  himself, 
as  might  naturally  be  expected,  a  supporter  of  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  then  just  elected  Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Everett  served,  by  successive  re-elections, 
ten  years  in  Congress,  and,  during  the  whole  period, 
was  a  membes:  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs, 
the  most  important  Committee  at  that  time  in  the 
House.  He  also  held  a  place  on  all  the  most  impor- 
tant select  committees  while  he  was  in  Congress,  and 
in  every  instance  he  was  selected  to  draw  either  the 
majority  or  minority  reports. 

In  the  XlXth  Congress,  though  then  just  elected  to 
the  House,  and  the  youngest  member  in  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  Affairs,  he  drew  the  celebrated  report 
on  the  Panama  Mission,  the  leading  measure  of  that 
session. 

In  the  XXth  Congress,  forming  with  Mr,  John  Sar- 


EDWAKD    EVERETT. 


2ir 


gent,  of  Philadelphia,  the  minority  of  the  well-known 
Retrenchment  Committee,  he  drew  up  all  those  por- 
tions of  its  report  which  relate  to  tlie  Departments  of 
State  and  War,  He  was  Chairman  of  the  Select  Com- 
mittee, during  Mr.  Adams's  presidency,  on  the  Georgia 
controversy.  He  drew  the  report  for  the  committee 
in  favor  of  the  heirs  of  Fulton. 

With  Gov.  Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut,  he  formed  the 
minoi'ity  of  the  Bank  Investigating  Committee,  which 
was  sent  to  Philadelphia  in  1834,  and  drew  up  the 
report.  He  wi'ote  the  minority  report  of  the  Commit- 
tee of  Foreign  Relations  upon  the  controversy  with 
France  in  the  spring  of  1835,  and  took  a  leading  part 
in  the  debate  on  the  subject.  He  made  two  or  three 
reports  on  the  subject  of  the  claims  of  American  citi- 
zens on  foreign  powers  for  spoliations  committed  on 
our  commerce  during  the  French  Continental  system, 
and  continued  th^  discussion  in  the  "  North  American 
Review."  He  always  served  on  the  Library  Commit- 
tee, and,  generally,  on  that  for  Public  Buildings. 

In  1827,  he  addressed  a  series  of  letters  to  Mr. 
Canning  on  the  Colonial  trade,  which  were  extensively 
read. 

In  the  summer  of  1829,  in  the  congressional  vaca- 
tion, he  made  an  extensive  tour  through  the  South- 
western and  Western  States,  and  was  everywhere 
received  with  marked  distinction.  At  -Nashville,  at 
Lexington,  and  at  the  Yellow  Springs  in  Ohio,  he  was 
complimented  with  public  dinners,  and  charmed  his 
hosts  by  beautiful  specimens  of  that  species  of  elo- 
quence in  which  he  is  generally  admitted  to  hold  the 
lirst  place  among  his  contemporaries. 


28  EDWARD   EVERETT. 

The  points  of  Mr.  Everett's  congressional  career, 
which  we  have  indicated,  form  but  a  small  part  of  his 
labors  and  services  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
He  was  a  faithful  and  assiduous  attendant  of  the  ses- 
sions, and  a  diligent  observer  of  the  proceedings  of 
that  body.  He  was  a  frequent  but  not  obtrusive 
debater.  His  speeches  were  carefully  prepared,  full 
of  information,  weighty  in  substance,  polished  in  form, 
and  perfectly  free  from  those  indecorums  and  person- 
alities which  sometimes  disfigure  congressional  debates. 
In  his  attention  to  the  private  affairs  of  his  constitu- 
ents, he  was  always  prompt  and  patient.  Occupied  as 
he  was  with  the  public  business  during  his  congres- 
sional life,  his  regular  and  inflexible  habits  of  industry 
enabled  him  to  find  time  for  literary  labor  :  besides  the 
elaborate  public  addresses  v/liich  he  occasionally 
delivered,  he  prepared  several  articles  of  high  merit 
for  the  "  North  American  Review."  Among  them 
may  be  mentioned,  with  particular  commendation,  a 
paper  in  the  number  for  October,  1830,  in  which 
the  South  Carolina  doctrine  of  nullification  is  dis- 
cussed with  remarkable  ability. 

In  the  autmnn  of  1834,  he  declined  a  re-nominatiod 
to  Congress,  as  his  political  friends  in  Massachusetts 
were  desirous  of  presenting  his  name  as  candidate  for 
the  office  of  Governor,  to  which  he  was  chosen  by  a 
large  majority  in  the  ensuing  election.  He  was,  after- 
wards, three  times  re-elected — ^holding  the  Executive 
Office  fom*  years. 

His  administration  was  dignifi^ed,  useful  and  popular. 
Among  the  measures  which  marked  the  period  of  his 
official  service  were  the  subscription  of  the  State  to  the 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  29 

stock  of  the  "Western  Railroad ;  tlie  organization  of  the 
Board  of  Education,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Nor- 
mal School — the  Scientific  and  Agricultural  Surveys  of 
the  State,  and  the  establishment  of  a  Commission  for 
the  revision  of  the  criminal  law. 

In  the  discharge  of  what  may  be  called  the  ceremo- 
nial duties  of  his  station.  Governor  Everett  was 
eminently  happy.  Hi^  manner  in  presiding  was  digni- 
fied, graceful  and  courteous.  To  the  natural  desire  of 
his  constituents  to  hear  him  speak,  he  responded  with 
the  most  good-natured  readiness,  and  the  many  occa- 
sional speeches  he  delivered  were  unifomly  spirited 
and  happy.  In  the  autumn  of  1839,  after  an  animated 
struggle,  he  was  defeated  by  Marcus  Morton,  by  a 
majority  of  one  vote. 

Relieved  from  public  duty,  he  was  led  by  the  state  of 
his  own  health,  and  that  of  his  family,  to  visit  Europe 
a  second  tim^e.  He  sailed  with  his  family  in  June,  1840. 
They  passed  the  summer  in  France,  and  the  following 
winter  in  Italy,  most  of  it  in  Florence  and  its  neighbor- 
hood. He  intended  to  pass  another  winter  in  Italy,  but 
the  course  of  political  events  at  home  interfered  with 
his  pui-pose,  and  sent  him  upon  a  new  path  to  public 
duty. 

In  1840,  under  President  Harrison's  administration, 
he  was  appointed  to  represent  this  country  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James.  Our  relations  with  England  at  that  time 
were  momentous.  The  controversy  touching  the  North- 
eastern boundary,  which  for  half  a  century  had  been  a 
subject  of  difference,  had  reached  a  point  where  an 
amicable  adjustment  seemed  hopeless.  The  recent 
burning  of  the  Caroline  and  the  arrest  of  McLeod,  had 


30  EDWARD    EVERETT. 

inflamed  the  public  mind  in  both  countries.  The  case 
of  the  Creole,  and  questions  connected  with  Oregon  and 
Texas,  were  also  elements  of  irritation.  American 
vessels  had  been  seized  and  detained  by  British  cruisers 
on  the  coast  of  Africa.  The  confidence  reposed  in  him 
by  the  administration  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  he 
was  sent  to  London  to  discuss  all  these  questions  with- 
out any  specific  instructions  from  the  Government. 
Entering  at  once  upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  he 
justified,  by  his  ability,  discretion,  and  tact,  the  confi- 
dence reposed  in  him. 

Tliough  the  settlement  of  the  ITorth-eastern  boundary 
and  of  the  Oregon  question  was  transferred  to  Wash- 
ington by  the  appointment  of  Lord  Ashburton,  as 
special  ambassador,  many  important  questions  were 
left  in  Mr.  Everett's  charge.  Among  the  most  impor- 
tant was  that  involving  the  construction  of  the  first 
article  of  the  convention  between  the  two  countries  on 
the  subject  of  the  Fisheries.  Mr.  Everett  secured  for 
our  fishermen  the  long-disputed  right  to  take  fish  in  the 
JBay  of  Eundy. 

He  procured  at  various  times,  and  in  the  face  of 
great  obstacles,  the  release  from  the  Penal  Colony  of 
Yan  Dieman's  Land  of  sixty  or  seventy  American 
citizens,  convicted  of  participation  in  the  Canadian  re- 
bellion. 

Mr.  Everett's  position  at  the  Court  of  St.  James  must 
have  been  rendered  more  difficult,  by  the  frequent 
changes  in  the  Department  of  State.  Mr.  "Webster 
retired  in  the  spring  of  1843,  and  was  succeeded  in  a 
brief  period  by  Mr.  Upsher,  Mr.  Legare,  and  Mr.  Cal- 
houn. But,  by  all  of  the  three  gentlemen,  Mr.  Everett's 
services  were  duly  appreciated. 


EDWARD    EVEKETT.  31 

Mr.  Everett's  social  position  in  England  was  equally 
honorable  and  agl-eeable  to  him,  and  a  source  of  just 
pride  to  his  countrymen.  His  cultivation  and  accom- 
plishments were  everywhere  recognized,  and  his  public 
speeches  were  received  with  enthusiasm. 

In  the  spring  of  1843  he  was  appointed  to  fill  blie 
newly-constituted  mission  to  China,  with  a  view  to  es- 
tablish commercial  relations  with  that  country,  which 
honorable  trust  he  was  compelled  to  decline.  Imme- 
diately on  his  return  to  the  United  States,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  1845,  he  was  chosen  President  of  Harvard 
University.  He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  this  new 
trust  w^ith  characteristic  energv  and  enthusiasm,  and  it 
was  a  subject  of  great  regret  to  the  friends  of  the  col- 
lege that  the  burdensome  details  and  monotonous  con- 
finement of  his  official  life  wore  so  heavily  upon  his 
health  as  to  compel  him  to  resign  his  post  at  the  end 
of  three  years. 

Mr.  Everett  gave  a  portion  of  his  leisure,  after  re- 
signing the  Presidency,  to  the  preparation  of  a  col- 
lected edition  of  his  Orations  and  Speeches,  which 
appeared  in  two  vols.,  8vo.,  in  1850.  He  also  superin- 
tended the  publication  of  the  new  edition  of  the  works 
of  Mr.  Webster,  at  his  special  request,  and  prepared 
an  elaborate  memoir,  which  was  prefixed  to  the  first 
volume. 

Upon  the  death  of  that  great  statesman,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1852,  Mr.  Everett  was  called  upon  by  President 
Fillmore  to  fill  the  vacant  place  of  Secretarj-  of  State. 
He  held  the  office  during  the  last  four  months  of  Pi-es- 
ident  Fillmore's  administration,  and  the  condition  of 
the  public  business  made  them  months  of  most  severe 


82  EDWARD    EVERETT. 

labor,  and  nothiug  but  his  indefatigable  industry  and 
great  patience  could  have  carried  lihn  through. 

Besides  paying  the  most  conscientious  attention  to 
the  regular  business  of  the  Department,  he  adjusted 
the  perplexing  affair  of  tlie  Orescent  City  steamer,  and 
the  Lobos  Islands, — prosecuted  with  energy  the  diffi- 
cult negotiations  pertaining  to  the  fisheries, — concluded 
an  international  copy-right  convention  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  a  Consular  convention  with  France, — and  re- 
viewed the  whole  subject  of  Central  American  affairs 
in  tbeir  relation  to  our  Government  and  Great  Britain, 
and  recommended  and  induced  Congress  to  establish 
there  a  mission  of  the  first  class. 

But  the  question  which  attracted  most  of  the  public 
interest  during  Mr.  Everett's  administration  of  the  De- 
partment of  State,  was  the  joint  proposition  of  England 
and  France  to  enter  with  the  United  States  into  a  tri- 
partite convention,  guaranteeing  to  Spain,  in  perpetuity, 
the  exclusive  possession  of  Cuba. 

This  proposition  was  declined  by  the  United  States, 
in  a  diplomatic  note  of  great  ability,  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Everett.  His  exposition  of  the  policy  of  this  country 
was  received  with  very  general  approbation  by  the 
People  and  the  Press,  without  distinction  of  party. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  arduous  official  duties,  he 
found  time  to  prepare  an  elaborate  address  for  the  an- 
nual meeting  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  in 
Washington,  in  1853,  in  exposition  and  defence  of  the 
objects  of  that  Association.  Before  leaving  the  De- 
partment of  State,  Mr.  Everett  was  elected  by  the 
Legislature  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Senate  of  the  Uni- 
ted States, — took  his  seat  in  that  body  at  the  com- 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  33 

mencement  of  the  special  Executive  Session  in  March, 

1853,  and  made  an  able  and  elaborate  speech  on  the 
Central  American  question. 

In  the  summer  and  fall  of  1853,  besides  an  address 
before  the  Xew  York  Historical  Society  on  Coloniz- 
ation and  Emigration,  and  a  reply  to  the  protest  of 
Lord  John  Russell  against  the  doctrines  asserted  by 
our  Government  in  the  note  declining  the  tripartite 
Convention,  Mr  Everett  spoke  more  than  once  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  proposed  new  Constitution  in  Massachu- 
setts. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  the  XXXIHrd  Congress,  in 
December,  1853,  Mr.  Everett,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  found  himself  in  a  state  of  impaired  health, 
but  he  applied  himself  with  his  usual  industry  to  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.  Had  the  session  proved  one 
of  no  more  than  average  labor  and  excitement,  perhaps 
his  strength  would  have  enabled  him  to  meet  the  duties 
of  his  post. 

The  introduction  of  the  bill  for  the  repeal  of  tho 
Missouri  Compromise,  (the  IS'ebraska  and  Kansas  bill,) 
produced  great  agitation  throughout  the  country,  and 
brought  the  opposing  parties  in  the  Senate  into  violent 
and  protracted  antagonism.  For  many  weeks  the  ses- 
sions were  long  continued,  and  the  discussions  of  the 
most  vehement  and  impassioned  character.  Mr.  Ever- 
ett delivered  a  speech  against  this  bill,   February  8, 

1854,  characterized  by  his  usual  moderate  and  conser- 
vative views,  as  well  as  by  good  taste  and  good  temper. 
His  health,  under  the  pressure  of  official  toil  and  excite- 
ment, grew  constantly  worse,  and  in  the  following  May 


34  EDWARD    EVERKTT. 

under   the  imperative    advice    of    his  physician,   lie 
resigned  his  seat. 

A  few  months  of  rest  and  quiet  restored  him — and 
now  there  began  a  new  phase  in  his  life,  and  the  open- 
ing of  a  new  and  peculiar  sphere  of  action. 

In  the  year  1853,  the  project  of  purchasing  Mount 
Vernon  by  private  subscription  was  first  started  by 
Miss  Ann  Pamelia  Cunningham,  in  an  Address  to  the 
People  of  the  United  States,  under  the  head  of  "  A 
Southern  Matron."  The  proposal  was  favorably  re- 
ceived, and  Associations  of  Ladies  began  to  be  formed 
in  several  of  the  States,  tor  the  purpose  of  collecting 
funds.  Mr.  Everett  having  been  applied  to,  by  the 
Mercantile  Library  Association  of  Boston,  to  deliver  a 
Lecture  during  their  course  of  1855-56,  proposed  that 
the  Association  should  celebrate  the  next  anniversary  of 
the  Birth-day  of  Washington,  and  oflered  to  prepare 
"for  that  occasion  a  discourse  upon  his  character,  the 
proceeds  to  be  applied  to  some  commemorative  pur- 
pose. Tlie  ofi*er  was  accepted,  and  on  the  22nd  of 
February,  1856,  Mr,  Everett  pronounced  his  Oration 
on  Washington,  for  the  first  time,  before  an  immense 
audience  at  the  Music  Hall,  Boston.  It  was  immedi- 
ately repeated  at  New  York,  ISTew  Haven  and  Balti- 
more, and  the  proceeds  were  applied  to  various  objects. 
It  was  delivered  for  the  first  time  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Mount  Vernon  Fund,  at  Bichmond,  Yirginia,  March  19, 
1856 — and  down  to  June,  1859,  it  had  been  delivered  in 
various  parts  of  the  country  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  times ;  always,  except  in  seven  cases,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Mount  Yernon  Fund. 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  35 

No  deduction  has  ever  been  made  from  the  amount 
received  on  account  of  his  expenses,  which  have  been 
uniformly  paid  by  himself.  Tlie  proceeds  received 
were  deposited  by  him  in  the  hands  of  a  Board  of 
Trustees,  appointed  by  himself.  They  had  paid  over, 
up  to  the  first  of  June,  1859,  to  the  General  Treasurer 
of  the  Fund,  the  sum  of  $53,393  81,  and  had  remaining 
on  their  hands  the  further  sum  of  $4,765  75. 

In  the  autumn  of  1858,  Mr.  Everett  entered  into  an 
engagement  ^vith  Mr.  Eobert  Bonner,  Editor  and  Pro- 
prietor of  the  '■^New  York  Ledger^''  \oivi\ri\^  an  article 
weekly  for  that  paper  for  one  year,  in  consideration  of 
$10,000,  to  be  paid  in  advance  to  the  Mount  Yernon 
Fund.  In  the  first  of  these  articles  Mr.  Everett  invited 
the  readers  of  the  "  Ledger"  to  tramsmit  each  the  sum 
of  fifty  cents  or  more  towards  the  increase  of  the  Mount 
Yernon  Fund.  Many  persons  responded  to  this  call, 
and  the  net  amount  received  from  this  source  was,  on 
the  first  of  June,  1859,  $2,929  94,  which  is  included  in 
the  sum  of  $53,393  81,  before  mentioned  as  having  been 
paid  over  to  the  General  Treasurer. 

Nor  have  Mr.  Everett's  benevolent  labors  been  limited 
to  the  augmentation  of  the  Mount  Yernon  Fund. 
December  22nd,  1857,  he  delivered  at  Boston  an 
address  on  Charity  and  Charitable  Associations,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Boston  Provident  Association,  which  has 
since  been  repeated  in  different  parts  of  the  country 
fifteen  times,  with  an  aggregate  net  receipt,  for  the 
benefit  of  various  Charitable  Associations,  of  about 
$13,500. 

January  17,  1869,  he  delivered  an  address  at  Bostoi| 


SB  EDWARD    EVERETT. 

on  "  The  Early  Days  of  Franklin,"  at  the  invitation  of 
the  association  of  the  Franklin  Medalists  of  that  city, 
which  has  since  been  repeated  five  times,  yielding 
about  $4,000  for  the  benefit  of  various  charitable  and 
•  public  associations. 

December  7,  1858,  he  pronounced  a  eulogy  on  Mr. 
Tliomas  Dowse,  before  the  Dowse  Institute,  at  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.,  which  was  afterward  repeated  before 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  yielding  to  the 
two  Institutions  about  $1,500, 

The  aggregate  sum  total  realized  in  the  ways  before 
mentioned,  and  paid  over  to  the  Mount  Yernon  Fund, 
and  sundry  public  and  charitable  associations,  includ- 
ing the  proceeds  of  the  seven  repetitions  of  the  "Wash- 
ington Discourse  which  were  not  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Fund,  will  not  fall  much  short  of  $100,000. 

We  have  gone  somewhat  into  detail  in  our  sketch  of 
this  part  of  Mr.  Everett's  Life,  not  merely  on  account 
of  its  peculiar  and  interesting  character,  but  because 
we  think  the  facts  we  have  mentioned  are  entitled  to 
record  as  illustrating  the  genius  of  our  people,  and  the 
relations  which  our  political  institutions  have  estab- 
lished between  the  general  comniunity  and  those  men 
who,  from  their  abilities  and  accomplishments,  are  the 
leaders  of  public  sentiment. 

It  would  -not  fall  in  the  province  of  this  sketch  to 
give  an  analysis  of  the  mental  qualities  and  personal 
traits  of  a  man  now  so  prominently  before  the  public 
for  their  suffrages.  The  wide  reputation  he  enjoys  and 
the  opportunity  which  so  many  have  had  of  listening  to 
his   eloquence,   renders  it   superfluous.     It  may  not, 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  '5  < 

however,  be  unbecoming  to  hold  him  up  for  commen- 
dation and  imitation  to  the  youth  of  the  country  for  liis 
indefatigable  industry  and  his  methodical  habits  of  la- 
bor, and  as  an  example  that  such  habits  will  command 
the  most  brilliant  success. 


THE    REPUBLICAN    PAKTY  .  31) 


THE  REPUBLICAN   PARTY, 

As  it  is  noAv  known  and  recognized,  was  not  known, 
either  in  form  or  in  name,  live  years  ago;  but  the 
principal  elements  from  which  it  lias  sprung  and  grown 
in  strength,  had  their  existence  in  events  that  trans- 
pired in  the  troublous  times  of  18^9-50,  When  forty- 
two  members  of  the  thirty-first  Congress,  from  the 
slave  States,  issued  their  famous  manifesto,  and  con- 
tributed the  sum  of  $30,000  to  establish  a  disunion 
organ  at  the  seat  of  governnjent,  the  public  mind  was 
greatly  startled,  and  men  of  all  parties  at  the  North, 
together  with  a  majority  of  the  i)eople  at  the  Sonth, 
were  anxious  to  devise  some  means  by  which  this 
threatened  danger  could  be  passed  without  evil  conse- 
quences ;  and  many  eminent  men  and  distinguished 
politicians,  holding  the  view  that  the  shivery  question 
Avas  the  great  moving  cause  of  all  the  difficulty, 
arrayed  themselves  against  the  admission  of  any  more 
territory  in  which  slavery  should  be  legalized.  To 
this  end,  they  asked  Congress,  to  insert  the  following 
clause  in  all  bills  for  the  admission  of  States,  or  the 
formation  of  territorial  governments,  to  wit : 

"Neither  slaver}^  nor  involuntary  servitude,  other- 
Avise  than  by  conviction  for  crime,  shall  ever  be 
allowed." 

This  proviso,  in  such  evident  and  direct  antagonism 
to  the  long-established  doctrine  of  State  Rights,  was 
met  by  the  determined  opposition  of  the  democratic 
party  and  a  large  proportion  of  the  old  whigs ;  and, 
folloAving  immediately  on  its  introduction,  the  principle 
of  Squatter  Sovereignty  was  inaugurated  as  a  compro- 
mise measure,  taking  the  intermediate  ground  between 
the  doctrines  and  teachings  of  the  ultra  Northern  and 
the  intensely  Southern  parties. 


40 


THE    REPUBLICAX    PABTY. 


The  Republican  Party  proper,  however,  did  not 
declare  itself  fully,  by  a  platform  and  formal  declara- 
tion of  its  views,  until  the  meeting  of  the  Philadelphia 
Convention,  in  1856, — when  a  schedule  of  its  principles 
was  duly  issued,  founded  mainly  on  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
and  the  doctrine  of  Congressional  Intervention,  Men 
who  liad  previously  acted  with  the  other  ])arties  of  the 
day,  now  enrolled  themselves  under  the  Republican 
banner  in  large  numbers  ;  and  what  was  at  tirst  viewed 
as  an  insignificant  faction,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
months,  assumed  all  the  consequence  and  influence  of 
a  powerful  organization. 

The  Republican  Party  is  looked  upon  as  revolution- 
iwv  in  its  teachings  and  ultimate  results.  It  is  so  most 
emphatically.  Its  doctrines  are  not  in  accordance 
with  those  advanced  by  any  political  party  that  has 
])receded  it,  but  are  new,  and  mainly  in  contemplation 
tif  what  its  partisans  view  as  pressing  emergencies. 
Whether  the  ends  sought  will  justify  the  means 
employed  for  their  accomplishment,  is  a  question  that 
we  do  not  propose  to  canvass. 

On  the  16th  day  of  May,  1860,  the  Republican 
National  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  in  a  large 
building  erected  for  the  purposes  of  the  meeting,  and 
called  the  "  Wigwam." 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  by  Gov.  Mor- 
gan, of  New  York,  Chairman  of  the  National  Republi- 
can Committee,  who  named  Hon.  David  Wilmot,  of 
Peimsylvauia,  for  temporary  President.  The  remarks 
(if  Mr.  Wilmot,  on  taking  the  chair,  may  possess  some 
interest,  as  defining  in  part  the  position  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party  at  this  moment.  He  addressed  the  C"n- 
vciition  briefly,  returning  thanks  for  the  high  and 
nudeserved  honor.  He  would  carry  the  remembrance 
of  it  with  him  to  the  day  of  his  death.  It  was  unneces- 
sary for  him  to  remind  the  Convention  of  the  high 
duty  devolved  upon  them.  A  great  sectional  interest 
had  for  years  dominated  with  a  high  hand  over  the 


THE    REPL'BLICAN    PARTY.  41 

affairs  of  the  country.  It  had  bent  all  its  energy  to 
the  extension  and  naturalization  of  slavery.  It  is  the 
mission  of  the  Republican  party  to  oppose  this  policy, 
and  to  restore  to  the  government  the  policy  of  the 
Revolutionary  fathers;  to  resist  the  dogma  that 
slavery  exists  wherever  the  Constitution  extends ;  to 
read  the  Constitution  as  our  fathers  read  it.  That 
Constitution  was  not  ordained  to  embrace  slavery 
within  all  the  limits  of  the  country.  They  lived  and 
died  in  the  faith  that  slavery  was  a  blot,  and  would 
soon  be  washed  out.  Had  they  deemed  that  the  Rev- 
olution was  to  establish  a  great  slave  empire,  not  one 
would  have  drawn  his  sword  in  such  a  cause.  The 
battle  was  fought  to  establish  freedom.  Slavery  is 
sectional — freedom  is  national. 

He  deemed  it  unnecessary  to  remind  the  delegates 
of  the  outrages  and  usurpations  of  the  Democratic 
party.  Those  outrages  will  not  be  confined  to  the 
limits  of  the  slave  States  if  the  South  have  the  power ; 
and  the  safety  of  the  free  States  requires  that  the  Repub- 
licans should  take  the  government,  and  administer  it  as 
it  has  been  administered  by  Washington,  Jefferson  and 
Jackson— even  down  to  Van  Buren  and  Polk — before 
these  new  dogmas  were  engi-afted  in  the  Democratic 
policy.  He  assumed  his  duties,  exhorting  a  spirit  of 
harmony  to  control  the  action  of  the  delegates. 

In  the  afternoon  session,  the  committee  on  organiza- 
tion reported  the  name  of  George  Ashmun,  of  ^fassa- 
chusetts,  for  President,  and  Vice-Presidents  and  Secre- 
taries from  every  State  represented  in  the  Convention. 
The  following  States  and  Territories  were  represented : 
Maine,  ISTew  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Kew  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  loAva, 
Minnesota,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
Michigan,  Missouri,  California,  Texas,  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, Kansas  and  Nebraska.  It  was  agreed  that  a 
majority  shall  nominate.     A  series  of  seventeen  resolu- 


42  THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

tions  was  adopted,  and  denominated  the  Platform  of  the 
Republican  Party.  They  will  be  found  in  another 
part  of  this  work. 

There  were  an  unprecedented  number  of  names  sub- 
mitted for  the  nomination  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, but  on  the  third  ballot,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois,  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  and  his 
nomination  was  made  unanimous  by  acclamation. 

On  the  first  ballot  for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate 
for  the  Yice-Presidency,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine, 
received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  and  was  declared 
nominated  with  great  enthusiasm. 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 

CANDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 

FOR    PRESIDENT, 


ABBAHAJVI   LINCOLN.  45 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

OF   ILLINOIS, 
CANDIDATE    FOR    THE    PRESIDENCY, 

Was  born  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky,  February  12, 
1809.  He  is  probably  descended  from  the  Lincolns  of 
Massachusetts,  though  his  parents  were  of  the  Quaker 
stock  that  emigrated  from  Pennsylvania  to  Rocking- 
ham County,  Ya. ;  whence  his  grandfather,  Abraham, 
removed  to  Kentucky  in  1781. 

The  record  of  his  boyhood  and  youth,  so  far  as  we  have 
been  able  to  trace  it,  is  not  distinguished  by  anything 
more  remarkable  than  the  usual  experience  of  children 
of  pioneers  in  a  new  country.  In  1816  we  learn  he 
removed,  with  his  parents,  to  what  is  now  Spencer 
County,  Indiana.  Here  he  enjoyed  the  advantages  of 
a  few  months'  schooling — less  than  a  year,  however,  in 
all.  Whatever  else  he  afterward  learned  from  books 
was  without  the  aid  of  the  schoolmaster — the  result  of 
his  own  energy  and  indomitable  perseverance. 

In  1830,  young  Lincoln  having  just  completed  his 
twenty-first  year,  his  father  and  family  left  the  old 
homestead  in  Indiana,  and  removed  to  Illinois  ;  they 
located  in  the  county  of  Macon,  built  a  cabin,  and 
opened  and  fenced  a  farm  some  ten  miles  west  of  De- 
catur. Abe  was  handy  at  rail-splitting  in  those  days, 
and  it  is  said  that  he  accomplished  his  full  quota  of 
labor  in  clearing  up  and  fencing  this  new  place ;  and 
that  some  of  those  identical  rails  have  recently  played 


46  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

a  more  important  part  than  dividing  the  fields  of  the 
Macon  County  farm.  His  life  was  that  of  an  ordinary- 
farmer's  boy  until  1832,  when  the  Black  Hawk  war 
broke  out.  Young  Lincoln  immediately  joined  a  volun- 
teer company,  composed  principally  of  the  young  men 
of  his  neighborhood,  and  was  chosen  captain  by  accla- 
mation. He  seems  to  have  possessed  the  elements  of 
popularity,  and  those  distinguishing  traits  of  character 
that  mark  the  leader ;  even  at  this  early  age,  the  germ 
of  a  superior  mind  was  discovered  and  appreciated. 
Although  he  was  in  no  engagement,  he  served  to  the 
end  of  the  campaign,  and  now  owns  the  land  upon 
which  his  warrants  for  this  service  were  located. 

Immediately  after  his  return  from  this  campaign,  he 
was  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature,  but  was  beaten ; 
his  own  precinct,  however,  casting  its  vote  277  for,  and 
7  against  him,  and  this,  too,  when  he  was  an  avowed 
and  enthusiastic  Clay  man,  and  the  same  precinct  the 
autumn  afterwards  giving  a  majority  of  115  for  Gene- 
ral Jackson  over  Mr.  Clay.  It  is  stated,  on  good  au- 
thority, that  this  was  the  only  time  Lincoln  was  ever 
beaten  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

About  this  time,  having  left  the  paternal  roof,  and 
finding  himself  obliged  to  shift  for  himself,  he  deter- 
mined to  adopt  the  profession  of  the  law — and  to  this 
end,  employed  whatever  time  he  could  spare  from 
manual  labor,  which  he  was  obliged  to  pursue  for 
physical  support,  in  the  reading  of  such  legal  works  as 
he  could  borrow,  and  thus  acquired  the  rudiments 
of  the  profession  in  which  he  has  since  so  eminently 
distinguished  himself.  In  the  autumn  of  1836  he 
obtained  a  license  to  practice,  and  in  1837  he  removed 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  J  7 

to  Springfield,  and  formed  a  partnership  with  Major 
John  F.  Stuart,  at  that  time  one  of  the  leading  lawyers 
of  the  State. 

In  1834  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  and 
re-elected  in  1836,  1838  and  1840.  He  briefly  defined 
his  position  on  the  Slavery  question  in  1837  by  a  pro- 
test entered  on  the  Illinois  House  Journal,  at  pages 
817,  818,  with  Dan  Stone,  another  representative  from 
Sangamon  County,  as  follows  : 

"  March  Sd,  1837. 

"  The  following  protest  was  presented  to  the  House, 
which  was  read,  and  ordered  to  be  spread  on  the  jour- 
nal, to  wit : 

"  Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  Slavery 
having  passed  both  branches  of  the  general  assembly, 
at  its  present  session,  the  undersigned  hereby  protest 
against  the  passage  of  the  same. 

"  They  believe  that  the  institution  of  Slavery  is 
founded  on  both  injustioe  and  had  pulley  ;  but  that  the 
promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather  to  in- 
crease than  abate  its  evils. 

"  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  inter- 
fere with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  different 
States. 

"  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
has  the  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  abolish 
Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  but  that  the 
power  ought  not  to  be  exercised  unless  at  the  request 
of  the  people  of  said  District. 

"  The  difference  between  these  opinions  and  those 


48  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

contained  in  the  said  resolutions,  is  their  reason  for  en- 

tering  this  protest. 

"  Dan  Stone, 
"A.  Lincoln, 
"  Representatives  from  the  County  of  Sangamon." 

For  many  years  Lincoln  was  a  prominent  leader  of 
the  "Whig  party  in  Illinois,  and  was  on  the  electorial 
ticket  in  several  Presidential  campaigns.  In  1844  he 
canvassed  the  entire  state  for  Henry  Clay,  of  whom  he 
was  a  sincere  and  enthusiastic  friend,  and  exerted  him- 
self powerfully  for  the  favorite  of  his  party.  In  1846 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  to  Congress.  He  took  his 
seat  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  184Y, — the  only 
Whig  representative  from  his  State.  Of  seven  members 
of  the  House  from  Illinois,  six  were  Democrats 

Mr.  Lincoln's  first  vote  in  Congress  was  cast  Decem- 
ber 20th,  1847,  in  favor  of  the  subjoined  resolutions  : 

"  Resolved,  That  if,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  it  be 
necessary  to  improve  the  navigation  of  a  river,  to  expedite 
and  render  secure  the  movements  of  our  army,  and  save 
from  delay  and  loss  our  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  that 
Congress  has  the  power  to  improve  such  river. 

"Resolved,  That  if  it  be  necessary  for  the  preservation 
of  the  lives  of  our  seamen,  repairs,  safety  or  maintenance  of 
our  vessels  of  war,  to  improve  a  harbor  or  inlet,  either  on 
our  Atlantic  or  Lake  coast,  Congress  has  the  power  to  make 
such  improvement." 

These  resolutions  formed  the  basis  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  famous  Eiver  and  Harbor  bill,  to  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  the  other  Whigs  in   Congress  gave   their 


ABKAHAil   LiJ^COLX.  49 

hearty  support.  lu  tact,  all  acts  fur  internal  improve- 
ments introduced  into  Congress  while  he  was  a  member 
thereof,  received  all  the  aid  at  his  hands  he  was 
entitled  to  render  them.  About  this  time  Mr.  Giddinga 
presented  a  memorial  from  certain  citizens  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  asking  Congress  to  repeal  all 
laws  sanctioning  the  slave  trade  in  the  District.  A 
motion  was  made  to  refer  the  memorial  to  the  Judici- 
ary Committee,  with  instructions  to  inquire  into  the 
constitutionality  of  laws  by  which  slaves  are  held  as 
property  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  A  motion  fol- 
lowed to  lay  the  paper  on  the  table, — against  which 
we  find  recorded  the  vote  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  vote, 
liowever,  resulted  in  a  tie,  and  the  Speaker,  (Mr.  Win- 
throp,  of  Mass.)  voted  in  the  negative.  Mr.  Cobb 
announced  that  he  wished  to  debate  the  matter,  and  it 
was  laid  over  under  the  rules. 

These  two  instances  furnish  a  correct  index  to  Lin- 
coln's subsequent  votes  on  the  questions  involved,  and, 
in  fact,  his  course  has  been  consistent  and  unwavering 
on  all  the  topics  of  the  day.  How  far  it  has  been 
judicious,  patriotic  and  useful  to  the  country,  it  is  not 
our  province  to  determine. 

On  the  subject  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln took  the  position  occupied  by  other  members  of 
his  party  North  and  South,  objecting  to  what  was  con- 
sidered a  false  statement  of  the  origin  of  the  difficul- 
ties, in  the  message  of  President  Polk  ;  but  in  every 
instance,  we  believe,  voting  supplies  for  the  war,  and 
recognizing  it,   after  hostilities  were    actually   com- 


50  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

inenced,  as  a  contest  in  which  our  national  honor  must 
be  sustained,  at  all  hazards. 

February  ITth,  1848,  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  reported  a  Loan  bill,  to  raise  the  sum  of  sixteen 
millions  of  dollars,  to  enable  the  government  to  provide 
for  its  debts,  principally  incurred  in  Mexico.  This 
bill  passed  the  House  by  the  following  vote  :  ayes  192, 
nays  14, — Mr.  Lincoln  voting  for  it. 

February  28th,  1848,  Mr.  Putnam,  of  'New  York, 
moved  the  following  preamble  and  resolution : 

"  Wliereas,  In  the  settlement  of  the  difficulties  pending 
between  this  country  and  Mexico,  territory  may  be  acquired 
in  which  slavery  does  not  exist ;  and  whereas,  Congress,  in 
the  organization  of  a  territorial  government,  at  an  early 
period  of  our  political  history,  established  a  principle  worthy 
of  imitation  in  all  future  time,  forbidding  the  existence  of 
slavery  in  free  territory  :  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  in  any  territory  which  may  be  acquired 
from  Mexico,  over  which  shall  be  established  territorial 
governments,  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a 
punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted,  should  be  forever  prohibited ;  and  that  in 
any  act  or  resolution  establishing  such  governments,  a  fun- 
damental provision  ought  to  be  inserted  to  that  effect." 

Mr.  Brodhead  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the 
table,  which  was  decided  by  the  following  vote  :  yeas 
105,  nays  92, — Mr,  Lincoln  voting  nay. 

June  19, 1848,  Mr.  Lincoln  recorded  his  vote  in  favor 
of  a  protective  tariff. 

July  28, 1848,  the  bill  to  establish  territorial  govern- 
ments for  Oregon,  California,  and  New  Mexico,  was 


ABRAHAM    LIKCOLN.  61 

brouglit  before  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
prominent  feature  that  marked  this  bill  was  a  provision 
referring  to  California  and  New  Mexico,  prohibiting 
the  territorial  legislatures  from  passing  laws  either  in 
favor  or  against  slavery,  and  providing  that  all  acts  of 
the  territorial  legislatures  shall  be  subject  to  the  sanc- 
tion of  Congress.  This  bill  had  met  strong  opposition 
in  the  Senate — Senators  Allen,  Dix,  Hamlin,  Cor  win, 
"Webster,  and  others,  having  met  and  opposed  it  with 
all  the  strength  of  their  eloquence  ;  and  its  introduction 
in  the  House  caused  great  confusion  and  excitement. 
Tiie  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  came  from  an  unex- 
pected source, — A.  H,  Stephens,  of  Georgia, — and  was 
agreed  to  by  ayes,  114 ;  nays,  96.  We  hardly  need  add 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  aye. 

August  2,  1848,  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  the 
territory  of  Oregon  was  before  the  House,  and  a  mo- 
tion was  made  to  strike  out  that  part  of  the  bill  which 
extended  the  ordinance  of  1787  over  Oregon  territory, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  to  retain  the  ordinance. 

December  13,  1848,  Mr.  Palfrey,  of  Mass.,  asked 
leave  to  introduce  a  bill  for  the  repeal  of  all  acts  of 
Congress  establishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia. Mr.  Lincoln,  believing  intervention  against  sla- 
very in  the  District  entirely  wrong  and  inexpedient, 
without  compensation  to  the  slave-owner,  voted  against 
the  proposition  of  Mr.  Palfrey. 

December  21,  1848,  Mr.  McClelland,  of  Michigan, 
offered  the  following  resolution  in  the  House : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  present  traffic  in  the  public  lands 
should  cease,  and  that  they  should  be  disposed  of  to  ocou- 


62  ABRAHAM    LmCOLN. 

pants  and  cultivators,  on  proper  conditions,  at  such  a  price 
as  will  nearly  indemnify  the  cost  of  their  purchase,  manage- 
ment, and  sale." 

The  previous  question  having  been  called,  a  motion 
was  made  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table,  which  pre- 
vailed ;  Mr.  Lincoln  voting  against  tabling. 

We  have  doubtless  referred  to  the  records  suffi- 
ciently, and  indicated  with  all  necessary  minuteness, 
the  position  of  the  subject  of  this  brief,  and  necessarily 
Tery  imperfect,  sketch,  on  the  various  questions  that 
occupied  the  public  mind  during  the  short  period  of 
his  congressional  career.  He  was  opposed  to  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas,  and  labored  vigorously  in  behalf  of 
the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

From  1849  to  1858,  Mr.  Lincoln  occupied  most  of 
the  time  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  occasionally 
speaking  at  public  meetings  on  the  questions  at  issue 
between  the  great  political  parties  of  the  day  ;  and  in 
1854,  after  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  he 
stumped  the  State  of  Illinois  in  favor  of  William  H. 
Bissell,  the  Anti-Nebraska  candidate  for  Governor. 
His  friends  award  him  great  credit  for  the  gallant  man- 
ner in  whicb  he  conducted  this  campaign. 

June  2,  1858,  a  Republican  State  Convention  met  at 
Springfield,  and  put  Mr.  Lincoln  in  nomination  as  a 
candidate  for  United  States  Senator.  Mr.  Douglas  was 
the  Democratic  nominee,  and  a  man  of  more  than  ordi- 
nary ability  was  wanted  to  meet  him  on  the  stump. 
The  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  for  this  place  implied 
no  ordinary  compliment ;  it  was  not  tlie  voice  of  his 
convention  merely,  saying,  "  We  believe  you  a  man  of 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  53 

talent,  integrity  and  great  legislative  ability,  and  there- 
fore put  you  in  nomination  for  this  important  office," 
but  it  also  said,  "  You  are  the  best  man  we  have  to  meet 
a  political  debater  who  has  no  superior  in  the  world, — 
the  Rienzi  of  the  American  Forum.  "We  put  you  for- 
ward as  the  Champion  of  our  principles,  against  a 
giant  in  intellect, — a  master  in  the  science  of  political 
strategy." 

The  history  of  that  contest  is  known  to  the  world. 
It  was  a  series  of  the  most  brilliant  engagements  of 
mind  with  mind ;  the  most  daring  achievements  of  log- 
ical reasoning  and  forensic  display  that  ever  character- 
ized a  political  campaign.  Mr.  Douglas  found  "  a  foe- 
man  worthy  of  his  steel,"  as  the  figures  of  the  result 
very  fully  testify  ;  and  which  probably  caused  quite 
as  much  surprise  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  to 
his  opponents. 

Some  very  amusing  passages  occurred  in  those 
stump  speeches,  and  some  brief  quotations  of  a  per- 
sonal character  may  not  be  entirely  unacceptable  to 
the  readers.  Mr.  Douglas  undertook  to  give  a  little 
sketch  of  his  opponent's  personal  history,  after  the  fol- 
lowing fashion : 

"  In  the  remarks  I  have  made  on  this  platform,  and 
"  the  position  of  Mr.  Lincoln  upon  it,  I  mean  nothing 
"  personally  disrespectful  or  unkind  to  that  gentleman. 
■■'  I  have  known  him  for  nearly  twenty-five  years. 
"  There  were  many  points  of  sympathy  between  us 
"  when  we  first  got  acquainted.  We  were  both  com- 
"  paratively  boys,  and  both  struggling  with  poverty,  in 
"  a  strange  land,  I  was  a  school-teacher  in  the  town  of 
"  Winchester,  and  he  a  flourishing  grocery-keeper  in  the 


54  ABKAUAM    LIjS'COLN. 

"  town  of  Salem.     He  was  more  successful  in  his  occu- 
"  pation  tlian  I  was  in  mine,  and  hence  more  fortunate  in 
"this  world's  goods.      Lincoln  is  one  of  those  peculiar 
"men  who  perform  with  admirable  skill  every  thing 
"  they  undertake.     I  made  as  good  a  school-teacher  as  I 
"  could,  and  when  a  cabinet-maker,  I  made  good  bed- 
"  steads  and  tables,  although  my  old  boss  said  I  suc- 
"  ceeded  better  with  bureaus  and  secretaries  than  with 
"  anything  else ;    but   I  believe  Lincoln  was  always 
"  more  successful  in  business  than  I,  for  his  business 
"  enabled  him  to  get  into  the  Legislature.     I  met  him 
"  there,    however,   and  had   a    sympathy  with   him, 
"  because  of  the  up-hill  struggle  we  both  had  in  life. 
"He  was  then  just  as  good  at  telling  an  anecdote  as 
"  now.     He  could  beat  any  of  the  boys  wrestling,  or 
"  running  a  foot-race,  in  pitching  quoits,  or  tossing  a 
"  copper  ;  couJd  ruin  more  liquor  than  all  the  boys  of 
"  the  town  together,  and  the  dignity  and  impartiality 
"  with  which  he  presided  at  a  horse-race  or  fist-fight, 
"  excited  the  admiration  and  won  the  praise  of  every- 
"  body  that  was  present  and   participated. — I  sympa- 
"  thized  with  him,  because  he  was  struggling  with  diffi- 
"  culties,  and  so  was  I.      Mr.  Lincoln  served  with  me 
"  in  the  Legislature  in  1836,  when   we  both  retired 
"and  he  subsided,  or    became  submerged,  and  was 
"lost  sight  of  as  a  public  man  for  some  years.     In 
"  1846,  when  Wilraot  introduced  the  celebrated  Pro- 
"  viso,  and  the  abolition  tornado  swept  over  the  coun- 
"  try,  Lincoln  again  turned  up  as  a  member  of  Con- 
"  gress  from  the  Sangamon  district.     I  was  then  in 
"  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  was  glad  to  wel- 
"  come  my  old  friend  and  companion.     While  in  Con 


ABEAHAM    LINCOLN.  55 

"  gress,  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  to 
"  the  Mexican  War,  taking  tlie  side  of  the  common 
"  enemy  against  his  own  country ;  and  when  he 
"  returned  home,  he  found  that  the  indignation  of  the 
"  people  followed  him  everywhere,  and  he  was  again 
"  submerged,  or  obliged  to  retire  into  private  life,  for- 
"  gotten  by  his  former  friends." 

To  which  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  : 

"  The  Judge  is  wofully  at  fault  about  his  early  friend 
"  Lincoln  being  a  grocery -keeper.     I  don't  know  as  it 
"  would  be  a  great  sin  if  I  had  been  ;  but  he  is  mis- 
"  taken.     Lincoln  never  kept  a  grocery  anywhere  in 
"  the  world.     It  is  true  that  Lincoln  did  work  the  lat 
"  ter  part  of  one  winter  in  a  little  still-house  at  the 
"  head  of  a  hollow.     And  so  I  think  my  friend,    the 
"  Judge,  is  equally  at  fault  when  he  charges  me,  at  the 
"  time  when  I  was  in  Congress,  with  having  opposed  our 
"  soldiers   who  were  fighting  in  the  Mexican     AVar. 
'•The  Judge  did  not  make  this  charge  very  distinctly, 
"  but  I  can  tell  you  what  he  can  prove  by  referring  to 
"  the  record.     You  remember  I  was  an  old  Whig,  and 
*'  whenever  the  Democratic  party  tried  to  get  me  to 
"  vote  that  the   war  had  been  righteously  begun  by 
"  the   President,  I  would  not  do   it.     But  whenever 
"  they  asked  for  any  money,  or  land-warrants,  or  any- 
"  thing  to  pay  the  soldiers  there,  during  all  that  time, 
"  I  gave  the  same  vote  that  Judge  Douglas  did.     You 
"  can  think  as  you  please  as  to  whether  that  was  con- 
"  sistent.     Such  is  the  truth;  and    the  Judge  lias  a 
"  right  to  make  all  he  can  out  of  it. — But  when  he,  by 
"  a  general  charge,  conveys  the  idea  that  I  withheld 
"supplies  from  the  soldiers  who  were  fighting  in   the 


56  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

"  Mexican  war,  or  did  anything  else  to  liinder  the 
"  soldiers,  he  is,  to  say  the  least,  grossly  and  altogetlier 
"mistaken,  as  a  consultation  of  the  records  will  prove 
"to  him." 

Making  up  the  issues  in  this  contest  for  the  Senator- 
ship,  Mr.  Douglas  propounded  the  following  questions, 
to  which  we  subjoin  the  answers  of  Mr.  Lincoln: 

'^Question  1.  I  desire  to  know  whether  Lincoln  to- 
day stands  as  he  did  in  1854,  in  favor  of  the  uncondi- 
tional repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  ? 

^^ Answer :  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  in  favor  of 
the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

'■'■Question  2.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he 
stands  pledged  to-day,  as  he  did  in  1854,  against  the 
admission  of  any  more  slave  States  into  the  Union,  even 
if  the  people  want  them  ? 

^'^Answe?' :  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  pledged 
against  the  admission  of  any  more  slave  States  into  the 
Union. 

'■^Question  3.  I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands 
pledged  against  the  admission  of  a  new  State  into  the 
Union  with  such  a  Consitution  as  the  people  of  that 
State  may  see  fit  to  make  ? 

Answer :  I  do  not  stand  pledged  against  the  admis- 
sion of  a  new  State  into  the  Union  with  such  a  Consti- 
tution as  the  people  of  that  State  see  fit  to  make. 

'■'Question  4.  I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  to- 
day pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

"Answer :  I  do  not  stand  to-day  pledged  to  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

'■'■Question  5.    I  desire  him   to   answer  whether   he 


ABEAHA.M   LINCOLN.  67 

stands  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  Blave  Trade 
between  the  different  States  ? 

^^ Answer :  I  do  not  stand  pledged  to  the  prohibition 
of  the  Slave  Trade  between  the  different  States. 

^''Question  6.  I  desire  to  know  whether  he  stands 
pledged  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  territories  of  the 
United  States,  Korth  as  well  as  South  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line  ? 

Answer :  I  am  impliedly,  if  not  expressly,  pledged  to 
believe  in  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  all  the  United  States  Territories. 

"  Question  7.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  is 
opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any  new  territory  unless 
slavery  is  prohibited  therein  ? 

^^ Answer :  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  honest  ac- 
quisition ot  territory ;  and,  in  any  given  case,  I  woidd 
or  would  not  oppose  such  acquisition,  accordingly  as  I 
might  think  such  acquisition  would  or  would  not  aggra- 
vate the  slavery  question  among  ourselves." 

These  answers  are  certainly  good  specimens  of  pointed 
and  categorical  rejoinder,  and  admit  of  "no  double  inter- 
pretation. We  have  no  doubt  they  embody  the  honest 
convictions  of  their  author,  as  they  are  in  conformity 
with  his  practice  and  teachings.  Right  or  wi'ong,  no 
one  that  knows  him  denies  or  questions  the  plain- 
dealing  and  honesty  of  purpose  of  Abraham  Lincoln  ; 
and  when  he  expresses  himself  seriously  on  the  impor- 
tant questions  of  the  day,  as  above,  we  feel  bound  to 
believe  that  he  means  what  he  says. 

A  Western  man,  who  was  personallj'  cognizant  of  the 
facts,  relates  the  following  thrilling  episode  in  the  life 
of  Mr.  Lincoln:  "Old  Abe,  as  his  friends  funiliarly 


58  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

call  him,  is  a  self-made  man,  A  Kentuckian  by  birth, 
he  emigrated,  to  Illinois  in  his  boyhood,  where  he 
earned  his  livinsf  at  the  anvil,  devoting  his  leisure 
hours  to  study.  Having  chosen  the  law  as  his  future 
calling,  he  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  its  masteiy, 
contending  at  every  step  with  adverse  fortune.  During 
this  period  of  study,  he  for  some  time  found  a  home 
under  the  hospitable  roof  of  one  Armstrong,  a  farmer, 
who  lived  in  a  log-house,  some  eight  miles  from  the 
village  of  Petersburg,  Menard  county.  Here,  clad  in 
liomespun,  with  elbows  out,  and  knees  covered  with 
patches,  young  Lincoln  would  master  his  lessons  by 
the  fire-light  of  the  cabin,  and  then  walk  to  town  for 
the  purpose  of  recreation.  This  man,  Armstrong,  was 
himself  poor,  but  he  saw  the  genius  struggling  in  the 
young  student,  and  opened  to  him  his  rude  house,  and 
])id  him  welcome  to  liis  coarse  fare.  How  Lincoln 
graduated  with  promise,  how  he  has  more  than  fulfilled 
that  promise,  how  honorably  he  has  acquitted  himselt 
alike  on  the  battle-field,  in  defending  our  border  settle- 
ments against  ■  the  ravages  of  savage  foes,  and  in 
the  halls  of  our  national  legislature,  are  matters  of 
history,  and  need  no  repetition  here, 

"  But  one  little  incident,  of  a  more  private  nature, 
standing  as  it  does  as  a  sort  of  sequel  to  some  things 
already  alluded  to,  I  deem  worthy  of  recounting.  Some 
few  years  since,  tlie  oldest  son  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  old 
friend  Armstrong,  the  chief  support  of  his  widowed 
mother — the  good  old  man  having  some  time  previ- 
ously passed  from  earth — was  arrested  on  a  charge  of 
murder.  A  young  man  had  been  killed  during  a 
riotous  melee,  in   tlie  night-time,  at  a  camp-meeting, 


V 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  69 

and  one  of  his  associates  stated  that  the  death-wound 
was  inflicted  by  young  Armstrong.  A  preliminary 
examination  was  gone  into,  at  which  the  accuser  tes- 
tified so  positively,  that  there  seemed  no  doubt  of  the 
guilt  of  the  prisoner,  and,  therefore,  he  was  held  for 
trial.  As  is  too  often  the  case,  the  bloody  act  caused 
an  undue  degree  of  excitement  in  the  public  mind. 
Every  improper  incident  in  the  life  of  the  prisoner — 
each  act  which  bore  the  least  semblance  to  rowdyism 
— each  school-boy  quarrel — was  suddenly  remembered 
and  magnified,  until  they  pictured  him  a  fiend  of  the 
most  horrid  hue.  As  these  rumors  spread  abroad,  they 
were  received  as  gospel  truth,  and  a  feverish  desire  for 

engeance  seized  upon  the  infuriated  populace,  while 
only  prison-bars  prevented  a  horrible  death  at  the 
hands  of  a  mob.  The  events  were  heralded  in  the 
country  papers,  painted  in  the  highest  colors,  accom- 
panied by  rejoicings  over  the  certainty  of  punishment 
being  meted  out  to  the  guilty  party.  The  prisoner, 
overwhelmed  by  the  circumstances  under  which  he 
found  himself  placed,  fell  into  a  melancholy  condition, 
bordering  on  despair,  and  the  widowed  mother,  looking 
through  her  tears,  saw  no  cause  for  hope  from  earthly 
aid. 

At  this  juncture  the  widow  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Lincoln,  volunteering  his  services  in  an  effort  to 
save  the  youth  from  the  impending  stroke.  Gladly  was 
his  aid  accepted,  although  it  seemed  impossible  for  even 
his  sagacity  to  prevail  in  such  a  desperate  case  ;  but 
the  heart  of  the  attorney  was  in  his  work,  and  he  set 
about  it  with  a  will  that  knew  no  such  end  as  fail. 
Feeling  that  the  poisoned  condition  of  the  public  mind 


60  ABEAHAM   LINCOLN. 

was  such  as  to  preclude  tlie  possibility  of  empaneling 
an  impartial  jurj,  in  the  Court  having  jurisdiction,  he 
procured  a  change  of  venue,  and  a  postponemen  ot  the 
trial.  He  then  went  studiously  to  work,  um-aveling  the 
history  of  the  case,  and  satisfied  himself  that  his  client 
was  the  victim  of  malice,  and  that  the  statement  of  the 
accuser  was  a  tissue  of  falsehoods. 

"  When  the  trial  was  called  on,  the  prisoner,  pale  and 
emaciated,  with  hopelessness  written  on  every  feature, 
and  accompanied  by  his  half-hoping,  half-despairing 
mother— whose  only  hope  was  a  mother's  belief  of  her 
son's  innocence,  in  the  justice  of  the  God  she  wor- 
shiped, and  in  the  noble  counsel,  who,  without  hope 
of  fee  or  rewaixi  upon  earth,  had  undertaken  the  cause 
— ^took  his  seat  in  the  prisoner's  box,  and  with  a  "  stony 
firmness"  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  indictment. 
Lincoln  sat  quietly  by,  while  the  large  auditory  looked  on 
him  as  though  wondering  what  he  could  say  in  defence 
of  one  whose  guilt  they  regarded  as  certain.  The  ex- 
amination of  witnesses  tor  the  State  was  begun,  and  a 
well  arranged  mass  of  evidence  was  introduced,  which 
seemed  to  implicate  the  prisoner  beyond  the  possibility 
of  extrication.  The  counsel  for  the  defence  propounded 
but  few  questions,  and  those  of  a  character  which 
excited  no  uneasiness  on  the  part  of  the  pi'osecutor — - 
merely,  in  most  cases,  requiring  the  main  witness  to  be 
definite  as  to  time  and  place.  "When  the  evidence  of 
the  prosecution  was  ended,  Lincoln  introduced  a  few 
witnesses  to  remove  some  erroneous  impressions  in 
regard  to  the  previous  character  of  liis  client,  who, 
though  somewhat  rowdyish,  had  never  been  known  to 
commit  a  vicious  act;    and  to  show  that   a  greater 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  Qi 

degree  of  ill-feeling  existed  between  the  accuser  and 
accused,  tlian  the  accused  and  deceased.  The  prose- 
cution felt  that  the  case  was  a  clear  one,  and  his 
opening  speech  was  brief  and  formal.  Lincoln  arose, 
while  a  deathlike  silence  pervaded  the  vast  audience, 
and  in  a  clear  moderate  tone  began  his  argument. 
Slowly  and  carefully  he  reviewed  the  testimony,  point- 
ing out  the  hitherto  unobservable  discrepancies  in  the 
statement  of  the  principal  witness.  That  which  had 
seofoed  plain  and  plausible,  he  made  to  appear  crooked 
as  a  serpent's  path.  The  witness  had  stated  that  the 
affair  took  place  at  a  certain  hour  in  the  evening,  and 
that,  by  the  aid  of  the  brightly  shining  moon,  he  saw 
the  prisoner  inflict  the  death-blow  with  a  slung-shot. 
Mr.  Lincoln  showed  that  at  the  hour  referred  to,  the' 
moon  had  not  yet  appeared  above  the  horizon,  and 
consequently  the  whole  tale  was  a  fabrication.  An 
almost  instantaneous  change  seemed  to  have  been 
wrought  in  the  minds  of  his  auditors,  and  the  verdict 
of  not  guilty  was  at  the  end  of  every  tongue.  But  the 
advocate  was  not  content  with  this  achievement.  His 
whole  being  had  been  for  months  bound  up  in  this  work 
of  gratitude  and  mercy,  and,  as  the  lava  of  the  over- 
charged crater  bursts  from  its  imprisonment,  so  great 
thoughts  of  burning  words  leaped  forth  from  the  soul 
of  the  eloquent  Lincoln.  He  drew  a  picture  of  the 
perjurer,  so  horrid  and  ghastly  that  the  accuser  could 
sit  under  it  no  longer,  but  reeled  and  staggered  from 
the  court-room;  then  in  words  of  thrilling  pathos,  Lin- 
coln appealed  to  the  jurors  as  fathers  of  sons  who 
miorht  become  fatherless,  and  as  husbands  of  wives 
who  might  be  widowed,  to  yield  to  no  previous  impres 


62  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

BiODS,  no  ill-founded  prejudice,  but  to  do  his  client 
justice;  and  as  lie  alluded  to  tke  debt  of  gratitude  be 
owed  tbe  boy's  sire,  tears  were  seen  to  fall  from  many 
eyes  unused  to  weep.  It  was  near  night  when  he  con- 
cluded by  saying  that,  if  justice  were  done — as  he 
believed  it  would  be — before  the  sun  should  set  it 
would  shine  on  his  client  a  free  man.  The  jury  retired, 
and  the  court  adjourned  for  the  day.  Half  an  hour 
had  not  elapsed,  when,  as  the  officers  of  the  court  and 
the  volunteer  attorney  sat  at  the  tea-table  of  their 
hotel,  a  messenger  announced  that  the  jury  had  retui*hed 
to  their  seats.  All  repaired  immediately  to  the  court- 
house, and  while  the  prisoner  was  being  brought  from 
the  jail,  the  court-room  was  filled  with  citizens  of  the 
town.  TThen  the  prisoner  and  his  mother  entered, 
silence  reigned  as  completeh'  as  though  the  house  Vvas 
empty.  The  foreman  of  the  jury,  in  answer  to  the 
usual  inquiry,  delivered  the  verdict,  "  not  guilty  !" 
The  widow  dropped  into  the  arms  of  her  son,  who  lifted 
lier  np,  and  told  her  to  look  on  him  as  before — free  and 
innocent.  Then,  with  the  words,  "  Where  is  Mr.  Lin- 
coln?" he  rushed  across  the  room,  and  grasped  the 
hand  of  his  deliverer,  while  his  heart  was  too  full  for 
utterance.  Lincoln  turned  Lis  eyes  toward  the  west, 
where  the  sun  still  lingered  in  view,  and  then,  turning 
to  the  youth,  said,  '■  It  is  not  yet  sundown,  and  you 
are  free."  I  confess  that  my  cheeks  were  not  wholly 
unwet  by  tears,  and  I  turned  from  the  aifecting  scene. 
As  I  cast  a  glance  behind,  I  saw  Abraham  Lincoln 
obeying  the  divine  injunction  by  comforting  the  widow 
and  the  fatherless." 

Many  anecdotes  are  related  to  show  tlie  honesty, 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  63 

benevolence,  and  philanthropy  of  Lincoln.  The  follow- 
ing incident,  copied  from  a  metropolitan  journal,  is  all 
for  which  we  can  find  space  in  this  notice.  The  cir- 
camstance  was  related  by  a  teacher  from  the  Five- 
Points'  House  of  Industry  in  this  citv  : 

''Our  Sunday-school  in  the  Five-Points  was  assem- 
bled, one  Sabbath  morning,  a  few  months  since,  when 
I  noticed  a  tall  and  remarkable-lookins:  man  enter  the 
room,  and  take  a  seat  among  us.  He  listened  with  fixed 
attention  to  oui"  exercises,  and  his  countenance  mani- 
fested such  genuine  interest,  that  I  approached  him,  and 
suggested  that  he  might  be  willing  to  say  something  to 
the  children.  He  accepted  the  invitation  with  evident 
pleasure,  and,  coming  forward,  began  a  simple  address, 
which  at  once  fascinated  every  little  hearer,  and  hushed 
the  room  into  silence.  His  lans^uasje  was  striking^lv 
beautiful,  and  his  tones  musical  with  intensest  feeling. 
The  little  faces  around  would  droop  into  sad  conviction, 
as  he  uttered  sentences  of  warning,  and  would  brighten 
into  sunshine  as  he  spoke  cheerful  words  of  promise. 
Once  or  twice  he  attempted  to  close  his  remarks,  but 
the  imperative  shout  of  '  Go  on  !' ' '  Oh,  do  go  on  !' 
would  compel  him  to  resume.  As  I  looked  upon  the 
gaunt  and  sinewy  frame  of  the  stranger,  and  marked 
his  powerful  head  and  determined  features,  now- 
touched  into  softness  by  the  impressions  of  the  moment, 
I  felt  an  irrepressible  curiosity  to  learn  something  more 
about  him,  and  when  he  was  quietly  leaving  the  room, 
I  begged  to  know  his  name.  He  courteously  replied, 
'  It  is  Abraham  Lincoln,  from  Illinois.'" 

The  lesson  taught  by  our  brief  sketch  of  this  great 
and  good  man  is  full  of  valuable  instruction.     A  poor 


64  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

boy, — son  of  a  hardy  pioneer,  whose  highest  ambition 
was  comprised  in  the  results  of  honest  industry, — with- 
out the  means  of  education  in  his  youth,  and  arriving 
at  man's  estate  before  learning  even  the  simplest  laws 
of  his  own  language^ — we  find  him  to-day,  in  the 
meridian  of  life,  a  peer  with  intellectual  giants,  and 
occupying  a  position  the  proudest  might  envy.  Indus- 
try, integrity,  and  perseverance  have  won  for  him  this 
position,  and  proved  once  more  that 

"  Courage,  self-sustain'd, 
Outlord's  succession's  phlegm — and  needs  no  ancestors." 


HANIBAL    HAMLIN, 

OF  UAINE, 

CANDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 

FOB   VICE    PRESIDENT. 


HAKNLBAL   HAMLIN.  67 


HANNIBAL  HAMLIN, 

OF   MAINE, 

CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY, 

Was  born  in  Paris,  Oxford  County,  Maine,  August 
27,  1809.  His  father,  Cyrus  Hamlin,  was  a  physician 
and  surgeon,  and  a  native  of  Massachusetts.  He  was 
clerk  of  the  courts  for  several  years,  and  subsequently 
sheriff  of  Oxford  County.  He  was  one  of  the  leading 
citizens  of  his  town  and  county,  and  died  in  1828,  aged 
fifty-eight  years, 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  fitted  for  college  at  an  early  age, 
but,  his  father  dying,  he  abandoned  the  idea  of  a  col- 
lege course,  and  for  a  Avhile  remained  at  home,  and 
labored  on  the  old  liomestead  farm.  He  had  made 
choice  of  the  law  as  a  profession,  bat,  before  commenc- 
ing his  legal  studies,  he  worked  a  number  of  months  in 
a  printing  office  in  his  native  town,  and  for  more  than 
a  year  conducted  the  Jeffersonian,  since  merged  in  the 
Oxford  Democrat,  in  connection  with  Hon.  Horatio 
King. 

Subsequently  he  studied  law  with  the  late  Judge 
Cole,  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  removed  to  Hamp- 
den, in  his  native  State,  where  he  enjoyed  an  extensive 
practice  until  he  voluntarily  retired  from  it. 

In  1836  he  was  elected  to  represent  the  town  of 
Hampden  in  the  Maine  legislature  ;  and  was  re-elected 
in  1837, 1838, 1839,  ■"  840,  and  again  in  1847.     In  1840 


68  HAIINIBAL   HAMLIN. 

he  was  a  candidate  for  Congress,  as  a  Democrat,  but 
owing  to  the  great  popularity  of  Gen.  Harrison,  and 
tlie  remarkable  success  of  the  Whig  party  in  that  cam- 
paign, he  was  defeated. 

In  1842  he  was  again  candidate  for  Representative 
in  Congress,  and  was  elected  by  a  large  majority ;  and 
in  184:4  he  was  again  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  same 
body,  by  an  increased  vote. 

By  the  death  of  Gov.  Fairfield,  a  vacancy  occurred 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  on  the  26th  of  May, 
1848,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected  for  four  years  to  fill 
that  vacancy. 

In  July,  1851,  he  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  for  six 
years.  In  1856  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Maine,  and 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  to  assume  the  duties  of 
the  office,  January  Y,  1857.  On  the  16th  of  the  same 
month,  he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature  to  the  United 
States  Senate  for  six  years,  and  resigned  the  office  of 
Governor,  February  20,  1857.  Until  he  resigned  the 
position,  he  was  for  a  long  time  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Commerce  in  tlie  Senate. 

March  5t]i,  1850,  Mr.  Hamlin  made  the  first  speech 
in  the  United  States  Senate  in  favor  of  the  uncondi- 
tional admission  of  California  as  a  free  State ;  and  his 
speecli  was  then  considered  one  of  the  most  able 
delivered  on  that  subject.  The  following  extracts 
from  that  speech  are  produced,  as  serving  in  some  de- 
gree to  define  his  position  on  the  questions  then  agi- 
tating the  public  mind  : 

^  ^  *  *  "In  this  discussion,  the  whole 
I)road  field  has  been  opened — slavery  in  all  its  forms, 
the  question   relating  to  the  formation   of  territorial 


HANNIBAL    HAMLIN.  69 

govermnents,  the  question  of  the  boundary  of  Texas, 
the  question  of  the  restoration  of  fugitive  slaves,  and 
every  other  question  conceivable,  and  almost  incon- 
ceivable, connected  with  them,  have  been  permitted  to 
mingle  in  the  discussion  of  this  body.  Sir,  with  all 
these  questions,  I  have  nothing  to  do  ;  with  all  these 
questions,  upon  the  proposition  which  is  now  submitted 
to  us,  I  have  nothing  to  say.     Let  them  bide  their  time. 

*  *  *  "^  Let  the  question  of  slavery 
in  the  territories  be  settled  according  to  the  spirit  of 
the  Constitution,  and  the  previous  action  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  let  us  deal  with  Texas — one  of  these 
sovereign  States — in  reducing  her  boundaries,  justly  : 
ay,  if  you  please,  generously ;  but  let  these  matters  be 
discussed  and  settled  where  they  appropriately  belong; 
and  let  not  the  admission  of  California,  as  a  State, 
here  be  either  retarded  in  its  progress,  or  finally 
•prevented  by  them. 

"The  people  of  Californa  seek  no  entangling  alii 
ances  with  these  or  any  other  questions.  They  ask  the 
aid  of  no  fortuitous  circumstances  not  directly  con 
nected  with  them ;  they  ask  not  to  be  affected  by  any 
circumstances  calculated  to  retard  or  defeat  them.  Let 
each  question  defend  tipon  itself,  and  let  each  issue  he 
met  in  its  jprcyper  and  appropriate  manner P 

*  *  *  ^  "But,  sir,  in  passing  along, 
while  I  have  no  disposition  to  connect  an}'-  subject 
which  is  not  properly  connected  with  California,  I 
]aay  be  permitted  to  make  a  single  remark  or  two,  in 
relation  to  what  we  have  often  witnessed  and  heard  in 
this  hall.  I  allude  to  that  cry  of  Disunion !  Dis- 
union!    which  has    so   often   resounded   in  our   ears. 


70  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN. 

Sir,  I  have  no  eiiloginms  to  pronounce  upon  tin's  Union. 
It  furnishes  its  own  best  eulogy.  The  progress  of  art, 
of  science,  of  literature,  and  of  everything  that  serves 
to  elevate  a  people;  its  impress  upon  our  arts  and  our 
arms ;  the  respect  which  our  flag  commands  in  every 
part  of  the  habitable  globe  ;  the  busy  hum  of  thrift  and 
enterprise  that  comes  up  from  the  marts  and  market^ 
places  of  twenty  millions  of  people,  speak  a  more  noble 
eulogy  than  I  could  pronounce,  were  I  disposed  to 
eulogize  it  here.  All  these  things  pronounce  its  great- 
ness, its  glory,  and  its  grandeur.  I  would  rather,  sir, 
that  my  acts  as  a  Senator,  and  the  acts  of  the  people 
whom  I  represent,  should  speak  their  devotion  to  that 
Union  which  was  formed  by  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers, 
and  which  shall  he  jperpetuated  hy  us. 

"  'J'here  is  one  other  matter  to  which  I  wish  to  refer 
in  this  connection.  I  allude  to  that  state  of  alarm 
which  has  been  created  here  by  Senators  in  speeches 
of  an  extraordinary  character,  or  elsewhere  by  the 
public  press,  or  by  the  aid  of  such  stage  machinery  as 
could  be  put  in  motion.  There  is  a  method  in  all  this 
madness.  ]^o  man  can  doubt  the  design  attempted  to 
be  accomplished,  by  first  alarming  the  public  mind, 
and  producing  through  that  alarm  those  results  which 
are  desired.  I  feel  that  I  owe  it,  sir,  to  myself,  and  to 
those  who  sent  me  here,  to  declare  that  from  all  the 
investigation  T  have  been  able  to  bestow  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  from  all  the  evidence  I  have  been  able  to 
obtain  from  everything  which  I  can  see  and  hear,  this 
so  much  talked  of  alarm  is  entirely  unfounded  and 
factitious.      There  need  be  no  alarm.       There  is  no 


HAN2fIBAL    HAMLIX.  71 

cause  for  real  alarm  y  a7id  none  should  he  created  hy 
unnecessary  fear. 

"  We,  in  the  non-slaveholdlng  States,  are  deter- 
mined there  shall  be  no  cause  for  disturbing  the  bar. 
iiionj  of  tlie  States  ;  and  we  are  equally  confident  that 
tlie  sound  sense  and  patriotism  of  the  people  of  all  the 
States,  will  determine  that  there  shall  be  no  disunion. 
We  once  had  in  that  section  of  the  Union  from  which 
I  come,  a  class  of  men  who  were  known  to  be  disunion- 
ists.  Those  who  shall  pattern  after  their  example, 
(and  there  are  some)  must  occupy  the  same  page  in 
history  which  they  have  occupied.  There  is  no  real 
alarm — there  is  no  cause  or  fear  of  disunion.  I  have 
never  felt  the  slightest  alarm  at  any  time,  and  1  think 
we  can  all  now  see  that  the  bubble  has  burst.  This 
Union  will  stand  as  a  monument  of  grandeur^  and 
glory,  and  greatness,  long,  long  after  every  Senator 
Jwre  shall  have  crumbled  into  dust.  Tlie  affections  of 
oiir  people  will  cling  to  it,  and  sustain  it,  in  spite  of 
the  madness  of  party  and  of  politicians." 

On  arriving  at  his  majority,  Mr.  Hamlin  connected 
himself  with  the  old  Democratic  party,  and  acted  ^vith 
that  organization  until  1856,  when,  in  a  brief  speech  in 
the  Senate,  he  publicly  withdrew  from  it,  and  allied 
himself  to  the  Republicans.  In  looking  over  the 
records,  it  appears  to  us  that  this  change  was  more  in 
name  than  in  sentiment,  for  he  had  always  acted  with 
the  Free  Soil  Democrats,  and  was  one  of  the  strongest 
advocates  and  supporters  of  the  celebrated  "Wilmot 
Proviso." 

One  of  the  first  votes  cast  by  him  in  the  Senate  was 
in  favor  of  the  Jefferson  Proviso,  for  the  restriction  of 


72  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN. 

Slavery,  in  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  a  territorial 
government  for  Oregon  ;  and  afterward,  he  voted  to 
insert  a  similar  restriction  in  the  bills  giving  territorial 
governments  to  Utah  and  N^ew  Mexico.  The  Proviso 
having  been  defeated,  he  voted  against  tlie  bills  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Maine. 

September  11,  1850,  the  Senate  having  under  con- 
sideration the  bill  to  suppress  the  Slave  Trade  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  the  question  pending  being  on 
the  amendment  of  Mr.  Seward  to  substitute  the  follow- 
ing, among  other  provisions,  to  wit : 

"  Sec.  1.  Slavery  shall  forever  cease  within  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  all  persons  held  in  bondage 
therein  shall  be  free.  The  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  shall 
audit  and  pay  to  all  persons  holding  slaves  within  the 
District  at  the  time  that  this  act  takes  effect,  such  dam- 
ages as  they  shall  suffer  by  the  passage  thereof,  and 
the  sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  is  hereby  ap- 
propriated to  carry  this  act  into  execution,  out  of  any 
money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,"  &c. 

Mr,  Hamlin,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  on  the 
subject,  advanced  the  subjoined  sentiments  : 

"  There  is  an  objection  to  the  amendment  offered  by 
the  Senator  from  Kew  York,  which  would  control  my 
vote,  if  there  were  no  other  reason  in  the  matter.  He 
proposes  to  take  from  the  national  Treasury  a  sum  of 
money  to  pay  for  the  persons  to  be  emancipated  here 
by  the  provisions  of  his  amendment.  I  would  like 
very  well  to  learn  from  that  Senator,  or  from  any  other 
Senator,  by  what  provision  of  the  Constitution,  by  what 
authority,   or   by    what  power,    we    can    appropriate 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN.  73 

money  from  the  Treasury  for  tlie  purpose  of  paying  for 
emancipated  slaves  ?  I  know  of  none.  Besides  that, 
I  know  of  no  State,  and  shall  be  very  glad  to  be 
informed  if  there  is  one,  in  which,  where  slaves  have 
been  emancipated,  payment  has  been  made  for  them. 
It  has  always  been  done,  I  think,  in  another  way — by  a 
prospective  system,  by  a  provision  that  those  born  after 
a  certain  period  of  time  should  be  free  on  arriving  at  a 
certain  age.  According  to  the  provisions  of  this  amend- 
ment, they  are  to  be  emancipated  at  once,  without 
making  any  provision  for,  or  taking  any  care  of  them ; 
and  to  pay  for  them  out  of  the  national  Treasury.  If 
slavery  is  to  be  abolished  in  this  city,  it  should  be  done 
by  a  gradual  system,  as  in  all  the  States  where  it  has 
been  abolished. 

"  I  know  well  that  private  property  may  be  taken  for 
public  use,  by  making  compensation  therefor.  But 
then  it  would  become  public  property.  And  I  may 
well  ask,  what  is  to  be  done  with  this  public  property  ? 
AVhen  we  thus  take  it,  and  thus  contribute  from  the 
Treasury  to  make  it  free,  what  is  to  become  of  it  ?  It 
is  not,  and  cannot  be,  public  property  in  the  sense  of 
the  Constitution,  and  the  provision  of  the  Constitution 
certainly  cannot  apply  in  this  case. 

"  I  shall  vote  against  the  amendment,  for  the  reasons 
which  I  have  briefly  stated.  It  has  no  connection  with 
this  bill,  and  I  see  no  authority  in  the  Constitution 
wliicli  gives  us  the  power  to  pay  for  the  slaves  so  to  be 
emancipated.  And  I  shall  vote  against  the  bill  abolish- 
ing the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  if  it  has 
connected  with  it  subjects  that  are,  in  my  opinion,  im- 
properly there.     I  am  for  taking  these  questions,  as  I 


74  HANNIBAL    HAMLIX. 

have  all  of  tlieni,  singly — each  by  itself — so  that  each 
Senator  can  vote  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
judgment.  While  I  desire  to  vote  to  abolish  the 
slave  trade  in  this  District,  I  will  not  do  it  if  you  con- 
nect with  it  subjects  which  have  no  necessary  and 
propor  connection  with  it.  And  thus,  if  I  cannot,  in  a 
direct  and  positive  Avay,  be  permitted  to  vote  for  the 
object  which  I  desire,  I  will  do  on  this  occasion,  as  I 
have  done  on  all  others — vote  against  the  whole.  I  de- 
sire to  favor  such  a  hill  as  can  pass,  and  which  will 
abolish  the  slave  trade  hi  this  District  /  and  I  regret 
that  amendments;  which  cannot  pass,  and  may  defeat 
the  bill,  have  been  oifered." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  record,  during  his  long  and  industrious 
congressional  career,  seems  to  be  uniformly  consistent, 
and  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  character  of  the  man. 
Straight-forward,  decided,  expressing  his  sentiments 
without  fear  or  favor,  but  with  that  natural  dignity 
always  a  characteristic  of  the  true  gentleman,  he  com- 
mands the  worthy  regard  of  all  parties  ;  and  his  reputa- 
tion for  honesty  of  purpose  and  zealous  love  for  what 
he  considers  the  Right,  is  of  infinitely  more  value  to 
him  than  any  political  preferment.  May  he  ever  view 
it  so ! 

In  justice  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  we  may  be  permitted  to 
state  that  no  man  in  Congress,  for  the  past  twenty 
years,  has  been  more  faithful,  or  has  labored  more 
untiringly  to  aid  poor  but  honest  claimants  upon  the 
bounty  of  the  government,  than  he.  There  is  scarcely 
a  town  in  the  State  of  Maine  where  you  will  not  find 
men  who  have  been  made  invalids  in  their  country's 


HANNIBA.L    HAMLIN.  76 

service,  or  widows  and  orphans,  who  are  now  living 
upon  the  little  bounty  obtained  for  their  relief  through 
his  prompt  and  effective  labors.  No  honest  complain- 
ant, however  poor  or  humble,  was  ever  coldly  turned 
away  from  the  presence  of  Senator  Hamlin  ;  and  in  one 
instance,  where  his  o^vn  mind  was  convinced  of  the 
justice  of  the  claim,  but  lacking  the  necessary  proof  to 
substantiate  it,  he  individually  assumed  the  functions 
of  governmeut,  and  voted  a  liberal  pension  from  his 
own  private  purse.  Schemes  of  public  plunder  ^yhich 
frequently  find  their  way  into  Congress,  seem  never  to 
have  found  favor  with  him. 

A  trait  of  character  that  has  always  given  him  great 
popularity  with  his  friends  and  neighbors,  and  those 
with  whom  he  has  had  business  transactions,  is  his  strict 
honesty  and  stern  moral  integrity,  j^o  man  can  truly 
say  that  Hannibal  Hamlin  ever  cheated  or  wronged 
him  to  the  value  of  a  penny,  or  that  he  was  ever  guilty 
of  a  mean  or  unworthy  action. 

Before  he  became  a  member  of  Congress,  Mr.  Ham- 
lin had  an  extensive  practice  as  a  lawyer.  Since  his 
election  to  the  Senate  he  has  abandoned  it  as  incom- 
patible with  the  labors  of  his  position ;  and  now,  when 
not  actually  engaged  in  his  public  duties,  may  be  found 
at  work,  (in  the  working  sense  of  the  word,)  on  his  farm, 
in  the  rural,  quiet  town  of  Hamden,  where,  at  his 
hospitable  home,  his  friends  always  meet  a  hearty  wel- 
come. 

Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  life  and  character  of 
Hannibal  Hamlin.  Possessed  of  great  legislative  ex- 
perience, wise  in  counsel,  bold  and  determined  in  action, 


76  BANNIBAL    HAMLEfir. 

true  to  his  friends,  and  yielding  to  none  in  patriotic 
devotion  to  liis  country — according  to  his  life-time  con- 
victions of  what  is.  for  her  best  good — he  is  deservedly 
regarded  as  a  favorite  of  the  party  to  which  he  belongs, 
and  justly  entitled  to  its  honors. 


THE   DEMOCRATIC   PAETY.  77 

THE   DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

Is  the  oldest  political  organization  in  the  United 
States.  "We  do  not  propose  to  sketch  its  history, 
which,  according  to  the  testimony  of  its  adherents, 
would  embrace  the  history  of  our  government,  from  the 
days  of  Jefferson  to  the  present  time, — but  merely  to 
give  such  a  statement  of  facts  as  will  show  where  it 
stands  in  the  campaign  of  1860,  and  the  position  of  its 
candidates  on  the  great  questions  of  the  day. 

The  Democratic  Party  has  always  claimed,  with  a 
fair  show  of  reason,  to  be  a  conservative  organization, 
supporting  the  institutions  of  our  country  in  the  spirit 
of  their  Revolutionary  founders,  under  tlie  teaching  of 
such  statesmen  as  Jefferson,  Madison,  Jackson  and 
Polk.  Under  the  administrations  of  these  renowned 
patriots,  it  challenged  universal  respect,  and  contrib- 
uted largely  to  the  advancement  and  general  prosperity 
of  our  glorious  Union. 

No  party  has  ever  existed  whose  history  shows  so 
firm  and  united  a  purpose  to  labor  together  for  the 
advancement  of  its  principles,  as  is  shown  in  the 
history  of  Democracy  ;  and  no  more  remarkable  event 
ever  occurred  in  the  history  of  an  important  political 
organization,  than  the  recent  nomination  of  two  sets 
of  Democratic  candidates  for  the  offices  of  President 
and  Yice-President  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  assembling  of  the  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention at  Charleston,  it  was  found  that  a  portion  of 
the  delegates  from  the  Southern  States  had  been  sent 
there  under  special  instructions  to  demand  the  incor- 
poration into  the  platform  of  the  party  of  the  proposition 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  legislate  for  the  pro- 
tection of  slavery  in  the  territories  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  withdraw  if  the  demand  should  be 
refused.  The  insertion  of  such  a  clause  in  the  plat- 
form was  regarded,  by  a  large  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates, as  a  virtual  abrogation  of  the  principle  of  non- 


78  THE   DEMOCRATIC   PARTY. 

intervention,  and  directly  militating  against  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Nebraska  Bill ;  consequently  the  demand 
was  denied,  and  the  delegates  who  had  submitted  it 
withdrew  from  the  Convention,  in  accordance  with 
their  instructions.  Believing  it  inexpedient  to  make 
nominations  under  these  circumstances,  the  remaining 
delegates  adjourned,  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on  the  18th 
of  June,  and  the  seceders  adjourned  to  meet  at  Rich- 
mond on  the  15th  of  the  same  month. 

On  the  re-assembling  of  the  Convention,  the  diffi- 
culty that  had  proved  so  disastrous  at  Charleston,  was 
found  to  still  exist.  The  seceding  delegations  were 
returned,  some  accredited  to  Richmond,  and  others  to 
Baltimore,  and  instructed  to  make  the  same  demand, 
and  to  withdraw  if  it  should  be  refused.  Another  set 
of  delegates  had  been  appointed  in  Louisiana,  Alabama 
aud  Georgia,  by  conventions  of  democrats  who  still 
adhered  to  the  doctrine  of  non-intervention,  to  fill  the 
vacant  seats  of  the  seceders.  Those  of  Alabama  and 
Louisiana  were  admitted,  and  the  seceding  delegations 
rejected ;  and  the  seceding  delegates  from  Georgia 
were  admitted.  They  were  all  dissatisfied  at  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Convention,  touching  the  various  contests 
for  seats — retired — organized  an  independent  Conven- 
tion, under  the  litle  of  the  "  National  Democracy  of  the 
United  States,"  adopted  a  platform  (which  will  be  found 
in  another  part  of  this  volume),  and  nominated,  for  the 
Presidency,  John  C.  Bkeckeneidge,  of  Kentucky ;  for 
the  Yice-Presidency,  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

The  delegates  who  remained  in.  what  is  generally 
considered  the  regular  Democratic  Convention,  also 
adopted  a  platform  (which  we  re-produce  elsewhere  in 
this  publication),  and  nominated,  for  the  Presidency, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois ;  for  the  Yice-Presi- 
dency, Bi';njamin  Fitzpateick,  of  Alabama.  Mr.  Pitz- 
patrick  declined  the  nomination  thus  tendered  him,  and 
Hekschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  was  nominated  to 
stand  on  the  ticket  in  his  place. 


STEPHEN    A.    DOUGLAS, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 

CAXDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY, 

FOE   PBESIDENT. 


STEPHEN   ABNOLD   DOUaLAS.  81 


STEPHEN  ARNOLD  DOUGLAS, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 
CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY. 

"Was  bom  at  Brandon,  Rutland  County,  Yermont, 
23rd  of  April,  1813.  His  father,  a  native  of  New  York, 
and  a  physician  of  prominence,  died  suddenly  of  appo- 
plexy  when  Stephen  was  little  more  than  two  months 
old.  The  widow,  who  still  survives  to  witness  the 
greatness  of  her  son,  took  her  infant  and  a  daughter, 
some  eighteen  months  older,  to  a  farm  which  she  inher- 
ited conjointly  with  an  unmarried  brother. 

From  the  age  of  ten  to  that  of  fifteen  years,  Stephen 
was  sent  to  the  Common  Schools  of  the  neighborhood ; 
during  most  of  which  term  he  was  noted  for  remarkable 
aptitude  for  liis  studies,  and  was  very  diligent  and  at- 
tentive. His  quick  perception,  excellent  memorj^,  and 
determination  to  excel,  were  subjects  of  remark  by  his 
teachers,  even  at  that  early  period,  and  the  reputation 
he  sustained  as  a  "  good  scholar,"  was  a  source  of  just 
pride  to  liimself  and  his  friends.  His  disposition  was 
amiable  and  kind,  of  which  fact  there  are  numerous 
instances  related  by  those  who  werehis  school-fellows. 
His  temper,  however,  was  naturally  quick  and  viva- 
cious, and  sometimes  required  excellent  generalship  to 
keep  it  under  proper  training. 

At  tlie  age  of  fifteen,  he  expressed  to  his  friends  an 


82  STEPHEN   ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

earnest  desire  to  prepare  for  college  ;  but  it  was  reluc- 
tantly decided  at  a  family  counsel  that  the  expense  of  a 
collegiate  education  would  make  the  realization  of  that 
idea  impossible ;  in  which  event  he  is  reported  to  have 
said,  "  Well,  then,  I  will  take  care  of  myself !"  In  pur- 
suance of  this  brief  but  decided  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, which  he  seems  to  have  kept  prominently  in 
view  from  that  day  to  this,  he  apprenticed  himself  to 
the  trade  of  cabinet-making,  then  an  excellent  and 
lucrative  business.  He  labored  at  this  trade  for 
eighteen  months,  and  then  abandoned  it  altogether,  as 
it  proved  too  severe  for  his  constitution.  The  now 
solid-bodied  and  sturdy  Senator,  who,  buoyed  up  by  the 
force  of  his  intellect,  can  undergo  any  amount  of  fatigue 
in  travel  and  public  speaking,  was  then  a  stripling,  and 
not  over-hardy.  Were  he  to  undertake  cdbinet-mahing 
again,  (of  which  it  is  said  he  has  some  idea,)  physical 
disability  will  not  interpose  to  prevent  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  purpose.  Entering  the  academy  at  Bran- 
don, at  the  age  of  seventeen,  he  pursued  his  studies  with 
great  diligence  for  a  year,  when  his  mother,  after  a 
widowhood  of  eighteen  years,  having  married  Mr. 
Granger,  of  Ontairo  County,  New  York — whose  son  had 
previously  wedded  her  daughter;  he  removed  to  Can- 
andaigua  with  his  mother,  and  entered  the  academy  at 
that  place.  Finishing  his  academical  course,  he  decided 
to  make  the  law  his  profession,  and,  for  this  purpose 
entered  the  office  of  Messrs.  Hubbell,  at  Canandaigaa, 
and  applied  himself  diligently  until  1833. 

The  activity  of  his  nature,  which  no  doubt  was  the 
secret  of  his  ill-health  under  the  discipline  of  the  work- 
Bhop,  would  not  allow  him   to  rest  in  Canandaigua. 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  83 

Young,  ambitious,  and  Mn'th  an  instinctive  perception 
of  the  latent  power  within  him,  he  desired  a  fresh 
tield.  The  West,  new  and  undeveloped,  was  tJien  the 
land  of  promise  to  the  poor  and  the  aspiring;  and 
thither,  in  the  spring  of  1833,  he  started  on  a  hopeful 
journey  in  searcii  of  an  eligible  location  in  which  to 
MOO  and  win  fortune  as  a  lawyer.  He  visited  a  num- 
ber of  cities  and  towns:  among  them,  Cincinnati,  Louis- 
ville, St.  Louis,  and  Jacksonville,  Illinois.  At  Win- 
chester, a  little  town  sixteen  miles  from  Jacksonville, 
ho  found  there  was  no  school,  and  immediately  opened 
«me.  He  obtained  forty  pupils,  whom  he  taught  at 
$3,00  per  quarter,  and  was  considered  the  schoolmaster 
in  all  the  region  round  about  that  locality.  He 
devoted  his  evenings,  during  the  term  of  his  school,  to 
the  prosecution    of  Jiis   law   studies ;  and   in   March, 

1834,  he  was  admitted  to  practice  by  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  Henceforward  the  suc- 
cess of  Mr.  Douglas's  was  a  marvel  and  a  wonder. 
The  rapidity  with  which  he  rose  to  distinction  at  the 
bar  can  only  be  surpassed  by  the  dashing  triumphs  of 
liis  j)olitical  career.  In  less  than  a  year  after  his 
admission  to  the  bar,  and  while  not  yet  twenty-two 
years  of  age,  he  was  elected,  by  the  Legislature  of 
Illinois,  Attorney -general  of  the  State.     In  December, 

1835,  he  resigned  this  office,  having  been  elected  to 
the  Legislature  by  the  Democrats  of  Morgan  County, 
He  was  the  youngest  member  of  that  body,  but  sus- 
tained himself  with  lionor,  and  continued  to  ingratiate 
himself  in  the  affections  of  his  colleagues  and  constitu- 
ents. 

In   1837   he    was   appointed    Register  of  the  Land 


84  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

Office  at  Springfield,  by  President  Yan  Bnren,  which 
position  he  filled  until  1839,  when  he  resigned.  In  the 
meantime,  although  ineligible  on  the  score  of  age,  Mr, 
Douglas  received  the  Democratic  nomination  for  Con- 
gress.  He  attained  the  legal  age  before  the  day  of 
election, — first  Monday  in  August,  1838, — but  lost  the 
election  by  what  his  party  viewed  as  a  quibble.  His 
congressional  district  was  then  the  most  populous  iu 
the  State  ;  and  the  closeness  of  the  vote  shows  how 
thoroughly  the  canvass  must  have  been  conducted. 
More  than  36,000  votes  were  cast,  and  the  Whig  candi- 
date was  declared  elected  by  a  majority  oifive^ — there 
being  more  ballots  rejected  b}'^  the  canvassers  in  conse- 
quence of  the  mis-spelling  of  Mr.  Douglas's  name  than 
would  have  changed  the  result.  Tlie  election  was  very 
generally  regarded  as  a  triumph  of  the  young  candidate 
for  congressional  honors, 

Mr,  Douglas  now  devoted  himself  with  assiduity  to 
the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  distinguished  himself 
as  an  advocate  in  several  important  cases.  His  popu- 
larity among  his  friends  and  neighbors  continued  to  in- 
crease, and  as  his  abilities  were  tested  more  and  more, 
and  found  equal  to  every  emergency,  the  feeling  with 
which  he  was  regarded  amounted  to  something  near 
idolatry. 

In  1840,  he  entered  the  Presidential  contest  in  favor 
of  Mr,  Yan  Buren,  in  which  service  he  traversed  the 
State  for  seven  months,  and  addressed  more  than  two 
hundred  political  gatherings ;  and  to  his  great  exertions 
is  ascribed  the  adherence  of  Illinois  to  Democracy  in 
that  eventful  and  exciting  campaign.  Illinois  cast  her 
full  vote  for  Mr,  Yan  Buren, 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  85 

December,  1840,  he  received  the  appointment  of  Sec- 
retary of  State  for  Illinois  ;  and  in  February  following, 
he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature '  a  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court — the  title  of  which  office  has  ever  since 
remained  associated  with  his  name  in  the  popular 
mind. 

In  1843,  he  resigned  his  seat  on  the  bench  to  accept 
the  Democratic  nomination  for  Congress,  which  was  ten- 
dered him  against  his  urgently-expressed  wishes,  but 
the  acceptance  of  which  was  successfully  urged  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  the  only  Democrat  who  could  be 
elected.  He  was  chosen  by  a  majority  of  four  hun- 
dred— more  by  one-half  than  he  or  his  friends  had 
counted  upon. 

In  1844,  he  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of  nineteen 
hundred,  and  again  in  1846  by  nearly  three  thousand 
majority.  However,  he  did  not  take  his  seat  under  the 
last  election,  having  in  the  meantime  been  elevated  to 
the  United  States  Senate  for  six  years  from  March  4, 
1847 ;  in  which  high  position  he  has  continued  ever 
since. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  congressional  life,  Mr. 
Douglas  was  not  what  could  be  called  a  talking  mem- 
ber. He  spoke  rarely  and  briefly,  familiarizing  himself, 
by  observation  and  study,  with  the  rules  of  debate  and 
the  jsages  of  parliamentary  bodies.  His  first  speech  in 
Congi-ess  was  upon  the  improvement  of  Western  lakes 
and  harbors,  delivered  Dec.  19,  1843,  and  in  support 
of  his  own  motion  that  so  much  of  the  President's  mes- 
sage as  related  to  that  subject,  be  referred  to  a  select 
committee.  He  moved  the  appointment  of  a  select 
committee,  "  because  the   question  involved  important 


86  STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

interests,  requiring  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  condi- 
tion of  tlie  country,  its  navigable  streams,  and  the 
obstructions  to  be  removed.  A  thorough  examination 
of  subjects  so  various,  extensive  and  intricate,  and 
requiring  so  much  patient  labor  and  toil,  could  not  be 
expected  from  those  who  reside  at  a  great  distance 
from  the  objects  of  their  labors.  He  desired  a  full, 
elaborate  and  detailed  report  from  those  whose  local 
positions  would  stimulate  them.  Let  this  be  granted, 
and  the  friends  of  the  measure  would  be  content  to 
leave  its  policy  and  propriety  to  the  judgment  of  the 
House."  Mr.  Douglas  has  never  ceased  to  take  a 
lively  interest  in  river  and  harbor  improvements,  and 
the  protection  of  inland  navigation  ;  however,  he  is  said 
to  have  become  early  convinced  that  the  practice  of 
making  appropriations  from  the  federal  Treasury  for 
such  purposes,  utterly  failed  to  accomplish  their  ob- 
ject, and  that  a  system  of  tonnage  duties,  which  he 
matured,  and  on  several  occasions  introduced  into  the 
Senate,  should  be  substituted  for  congressional  appro- 
priations. 

January  7,  1844,  he  delivered  his  celebrated  speecli 
on  the  bill  to  refund  to  General  Jackson  the  fine 
imposed  on  him  by  Judge  Hall,  of  IS^^ew  Orleans.  ^Fhe 
subjoined  extracts  will  show  the  quality  of  that  effort : 

"  I  maintain,"  said  Mr.  Douglas,  "  that  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  power  of  proclaiming  martial  law.  General 
Jackson  did  not  violate  the  Constitution,  nor  assume  to 
himself  any  authority  not  fully  authorized  and  legalized 
by  his  position,  his  duty,  and  the  necessity  of  the  case. 
General  Jackson  was  the  agent  of  the  government, 
legally   and  constitutionally  authorized  to  defend  the 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  87 

city  of  New  Orleans,  It  was  his  duty  to  do  this  at  all 
hazards.  It  was  then  conceded,  and  is  now  conceded, 
that  nothing  but  martial  law  would  enable  him  to  per- 
form that  duty.  His  power  was  commensurate  with  his 
duty,  and  he  was  authorized  to  use  the  means  essential 
to  its  performance.  Tliis  principle  has  been  recognized 
and  acted  upon  by  all  civilized  nations,  and  is  familiar 
to  all  who  are  conversant  with  military  history.  It 
does  not  imply  the  right  to  suspend  the  laws  and  civil 
tribunals  at  pleasure.  The  right  grows  out  of  the  ne- 
cessity. The  principle  is,  that  the  commanding  general 
may  go  as  far,  and  no  farther,  than  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  the  defence  of  the  place  committed  to  his  pro- 
tection. There  are  exigencies  in  the  history  of  nations 
when  necessity  becomes  the  paramount  law,  to  which 
all  other  considerations  must  yield.  If  it  becomes 
necessary  to  blow  up  a  fort,  it  is  right  to  do  it.  If  it  is 
necessary  to  sink  a  ship,  it  is  right  to  sink  it.  K  it  is 
necessary  to  burn  a  city,  it  is  right  to  burn  it." 

Mr.  Douglas  gave  a  graphic  description  of  the  state 
of  affairs  at  New  Orleans  in  December,  1814,  and 
January,  1815,  concluding  thus: 

"The  enemy,  composed  of  disciplined  troops,  four 
times  as  numerous  as  our  own  force,  were  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  city,  ready  for  the  attack  at 
any  moment ;  the  city  filled  with  traitors,  anxious  to 
surrender ;  spies  transmitting  information  to  the 
enemy's  camp.  The  governor  of  the  State,  the  judges, 
the  public  authorities,  and  all  the  chief  citizens, 
earnestly  entreated  Gen.  Jackson  to  declare  martial 
law,  as  the  only  means  of  maintaining  the  safety  of  the 
city.     Gen.  Jackson   promptly   issued  the  order,   and 


88  STEPHEN   ABNOf.D    DOUGLAS. 

enforced  it  by  the  weight  of  his  authority.  The  city 
was  saved.  The  country  was  defended  by  a  succession 
of  the  most  brilliant  military  acLiievements  that  ever 
adorned  the  annals  of  any  country  or  any  age.  Martial 
law  was  continued  no  longer  than  the  danger  existed. 
Judge  Hall  himself  had  advised,  urged  and  solicited 
Gen.  Jackson  to  declare  it."       *         *         *         * 

"  I  envy  not  the  feelings  of  the  man  who  can  calmly 
reason  about  the  force  of  precedents,  in  the  fury  of  the 
war-cry,  when  '  booty  and  beauty,'  is  the  watchword. 
Talk  not  to  me  of  '  forms  and  rules  of  Court,'  when  the 
enemy's  caunon  are  pointed  at  the  door !  The  man 
who  could  philosophize  at  such  times,  would  fiddle 
while  the  capitol  was  burning.  There  was  but  one 
form  necessary  on  that  occasion,  and  that  was  to  point 
cannon  and  destroy  the  enemy."         *         *         * 

'•  I  grant  that  the  bill  is  unprecedented ;  but  I 
desire,  on  this  day,  to  make  a  precedent  that  shall 
command  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Besides,  sir,  the 
government  has  repeatedly  recognized  and  sanctioned 
the  doctrine,  that  in  cases  of  necessity,  the  commander 
is  fully  justified  in  superseding  the  civil  law ;  and  that 
Consrress  will  make  remuneration,  when  the  com- 
mander  acted  with  the  view  of  promoting  the  public 
interests.  The  people  demand  this  measure,  and  they 
will  never  be  satisfied  till  their  wishes  shall  have  been 
respected  and  their  will  obeyed." 

The  bill  passed,  and  the  fine  was  refunded.  Some 
time  afterwards,  Mr.  Douglas,  together  with  several 
other  members  of  Congress,  called  on  the  venerable 
hero  and  patriot  at  the  Hermitage.  When  he  was 
introduced,  the   old  general  grasped  him  warmly  by 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS.  89 

the  hand,  and  invited  him  into  a  private  room  ;  and 
there,  in  the  presence  of  two  other  gentlemen,  stiL 
living, — one  of  whom  recently  made  public  the  facts 
of  this  memorable  interview, — the  old  soldier,  in  a 
voice  trembling  with  emotion,  thus  addressed  the 
young  statesman  :  "  Mr.  Douglas,  I  read,  with  feel- 
ings of  lively  gratitude,  your  speech  in  Congress  last 
winter,  in  favor  of  remitting  the  fine  imposed  on  me 
by  Judge  Hall.  I  knew,  when  I  proclaimed  and 
enforced  martial  law,  that  I  was  doing  right ;  but 
never,  until  I  had  read  your  speech,  could  I  have 
expressed  the  reason  which  actuated  my  conduct.  I 
knew  that  I  was  not  violating  the  Constitution  of  my 
country.  When  my  life  is  written,  I  wish  that  speech 
of  yours  to  be  inserted  in  it,  as  my  reasons  for 
proclaiming  and  enforcing  martial  law  in  New  Or- 
leans." 

That  was  a  proud  moment  for  Stephen  A.  Douglas, — 
that  day  he  wanted  to  be  "  neither  Emperor  nor  King." 

The  Oregon  question  was  agitated  while  Mr.  Dou- 
glas was  a  member  of  the  House,  and  he  was  decided 
in  the  maintenance  of  our  title  up  to  54°  40',  and  de- 
clared that  he  would  never  consent  to  yield  one  inch 
of  that  territory  to  England  or  any  other  government. 
He  was  in  favor  of  the  resolution  giving  notice  to  ter- 
minate the  joint  occupation,  and  advocated  with  great 
fervor  the  establishment  of  a  territorial  government, 
under  the  protection  of  a  sufiicient  military  force,  and 
the  immediate  preparation  of  the  country,  so  that  in 
the  event  of  a  war  growing  out  of  what  he  deemed  an 
assertion  of  our  rights,  we  might  "  drive  Great  Britain, 
and  the  last  vestiges  of  royal  authority,  from  the  conti- 


90  STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUOLA8. 

nent  of  JSTorth  America,  and  make  the  United  States  an 
ocean-bound  republic." 

He  was  among  the  earliest  advocates  of  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas;  on  which  subject  he  made  an  able 
speech  on  the  6th  of  January,  1845.  As  cliairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Territories,  in  1846,  he  reported  the 
joint  resolution  declaring  Texas  one  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  he  abl  j  sustained  Polk's  Administration  in 
its  war  measures  with  Mexico.  He  opposed  the  treaty 
of  peace  closing  tlie  Mexican  war,  however,  on  the 
ground  that  the  boundaries  were  "  unnatural  and  incon- 
venient," and  that  the  provisions  in  regard  to  the  In- 
dians "  could  never  be  executed."  Yerv  substantial 
proof  of  the  correctness  of  these  views  is  found  in  the 
tact  that  government  has  since  given  ten  millions  of 
dollars  to  Mexico  to  alter  the  boundaries  and  relinquish 
the  Indian  stipulations. 

So  far  as  the  question  of  slavery  was  involved  in  the 
organization  of  Territories  and  the  admission  of  new 
States,  Mr.  Donglas  early  took  the  position  that  Con- 
gress ought  not  to  interfere  on  either  side  ;  but  that  the 
people  of  each  Territory  and  State  should  be  allowed 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way.  "With  this  view,  he  opposed  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  in  1847,  when  it  passed  the  House  as  an 
amendment  to  the  $3,000,000  bill  for  the  peace  treaty 
wnth  Mexico,  and  afterward  in  the  Senate,  when  offered 
as  an  amendment  to  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  the 
territory  of  Oregon. 

In  August,  1848,  he  offered  an  amendment  to  the 
Oregon  bill,  extending  the  Missouri  Compromise  line 
— 36°  30' — westward  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  in  the  sense 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  91 

in  which  it  was  adopted  in  1820,  and  extended  through 
Texas  in  1845.  The  amendment  passed  the  Senate, 
having  the  support  of  all  the  Southern  and  several 
Northern  Senators ;  but  was  defeated  in  the  House  by 
an  almost  sectional  vote. 

January,  1850,  Mr.  Clay  offered  his  celebrated  reso- 
lutions, which  became  the  basis  of  the  subsequent 
legislation  of  that  session,. known  as  the  Compromise 
Measures,  and  Mr.  Douglas  supported  them  with  zeal 
and  vigor.  On  the  13th  and  14th  of  March  he  deliv- 
ered a  speech  on  the  territorial  questions,  in  which  he 
first  enunciated  the  doctrine,  of  which  he  has  ever  since 
been  the  most  distinguished  advocate,  that  it  is  the 
true  and  equitable  principle  in  reference  to  the  territo- 
ries, that  each  shall  be  left  to  regulate  its  own  local 
and  domestic  affairs  in  its  own  way. 

In  the  course  of  this  great  speech,  replying  to  the 
complaint  of  a  di.otinguished  Southern  Senator,  to  the 
effect  that  the  South  had  been  deprived  of  its  due  sliare 
of  the  territories,  Mr.  Douglas  held  the  following  lan- 
guage: "What  share  had  the  South  in  the  territories? 
or  the  North  ?  I  answer,  none  at  all.  The  territories 
belong  to  the  United  States  as  one  people,  and  are  to 
be  disposed  of  for  the  common  benefit  of  all,  according 
to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution.  No  geographical 
section  of  the  Union  is  entitled  to  any  share  of  the  ter- 
ritories. What  becomes  of  the  complaint  of  the  Sena- 
tor, that  the  ordinance  of  1787  excluded  the  South 
entirely  from  that  vast  fertile  region  between  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi  ?  That  ordinance  was  a  dead  let- 
ter. It  did  not  make  the  country  to  which  it  applied 
free  from  slavery.     The  States  formed  out  of  the  terri- 


92  STEPHEN   ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

torj  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  did  not  become  free  by  vir- 
tue of  the  ordinance,  nor  in  consequence  of  it.  Those 
States  became  free  by  virtue  of  their  own  will,  recorded 
in  the  fundamental  laws  of  their  own  making.  That  is 
the  source  of  their  freedom.  In  all  republican  States, 
laws  and  ordinances  are  mere  nullities,  unless  sustained 
by  the  liearts  and  intellects  of  the  people  for  whom 
they  are  made,  and  by  whom  they  are  to  be  enacted. 

"  The  ordinance  of  1Y87  did  the  South  no  harm,  and 
the  North  no  good.  Illinois,  for  instance,  was  a  slave 
territory.  Even  in  1840,  there  were  331  slaves  in 
Illinois.  How  came  these  slaves  in  Illinois?  They 
were  taken  there  under  the  ordinance,  and  in  defiance 
of  it.  The  people  of  Illinois,  while  it  was  a  Territory, 
were  mostly  emigrants  from  the  slave  holding-States  ; 
but  when  their  convention  assembled  at  Kaskaskia,  in 
1818,  to  form  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
although  it  was  composed  of  slaveholders ;  yet  they 
have  become  satisfied,  from  experience,  that  the  cli- 
mate and  productions  of  Illinois  were  unfavorable  to 
slave  labor ;  and  they  accordingly  made  provision  for 
a  gradual  system  of  emancipation,  by  which  the  State 
should  become  eventually  free.  The  facts  show  that 
the  ordinance  had  no  practical  effect  upon  slavery. 
Slavery  existed  under  the  ordinance  ;  and  since  the 
ordinance  has  been  suspended  by  the  State  Govern- 
ment, slavery  has  gradually  disappeared  under  the 
operation  of  laws  adopted  and  executed  by  the  people 
tliemselves.  A  law  passed  by  the  national  legislature, 
to  operate  locally  upon  a  people  not  represented,  will 
always  remain  a  dead  letter,  if  it  be  in  opposition  to 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  93 

the  wishes  and  interests  of  those  who  are  to  be  affected 

by  it. 

"  In  regard  to  the  effects  of  tlie  Missouri  Compro- 
mise on  the  question  of  slavery,  I  do  not  think  that  it 
had  any  practical  effect  on  that  question,  one  way  or  ano- 
ther ;  it  neither  curtailed  nor  extended  slavery  one  inch. 

"  We  recognize  the  right  of  the  South,  in  common 
with  our  right,  to  emigrate  to  the  Territories  with  their 
property,  and  there  hold  and  enjoy  it  in  subordination 
to  the  laws  in  force  there."         *         *         *         * 

Mr.  Douglas  then  proceeded  to  advocate,  at  great 
length,  the  immediate  admission  of  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia under  her  constitution  ;  and  concluded  his  speech 
by  declaring  that  "this  nation  owes  to  the  venerable 
Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Clay)  a  debt  of  gratitude 
for  his  services  to  the  Union  on  this  occasion.  The 
purity  of  his  motives  caimot  be  doubted.  He  has 
set  the  ball  in  motion  which  is  to  restore  peace  and 
harmony  to  the  Union." 

June  3,  1850,  Mr.  Douglas  spoke  in  favor  of  the 
Omnibus  bill,  and  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  said: 

"In  I'espect  to  African  slaver}^  the  position  that  I 
have  ever  taken  has  been,  that  this,  and  all  other 
questions  relating  to  the  domestic  affairs  and  domestic 
policy  of  the  Territories,  ought  to  be  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  people  themselves.  I  would  therefore  have 
much  preferred  that  the  bill  should  have  remained  as 
it  was  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Territories,  with 
no  provision  on  the  subject  of  slavery ;  and  I  do  hope 
that  that  clause  in  the  bill  will  be  stricken  out.  It 
ought  not  to  be  there,  because  it  is  a  violation  of 
principle.     I  do  not  see  how  we,  who  have  argued  in 


94  STEPHEN   ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

favor  of  the  right  of  the  people  to  legislate  for  them* 
selves  on  this  question,  can  support  such  a  provision 
without  abandoning  all  the  arguments  which  we 
urged  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1848,  and  the 
principles  set  forth  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
in  the  Nicholson  letter. 

"  And,  sir,  is  an  institution  to  be  fixed  upon  a  people 
in  opposition  to  their  unanimous  opinion?  I,  for  one, 
think  that  such  ought  not  to  be  the  case  I  desire  no 
provision  whatever  in  respect  to  slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tories. I  wish  to  leave  the  people  of  the  Territories 
free  to  enact  such  laws  as  they  please.  But  on  this  one 
point,  I  am  not  left  to  follow  my  own  judgment,  nor 
my  own  desire.  I  am  to  express  the  will  of  my 
constituents.  My  vote  will  be  in  accordance  with 
their  instructions  " 

June  6th,  and  also  on  26th,  Mr.  Douglas  addressed 
the  Senate,  in  speeches  of  great  power'  supporting  the 
Compromise  Measures.  The  passage  of  those  meas- 
ures, and  subsequent  events  connected  therewith,  are 
now  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  country,  and  have 
fully  justified  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  their  sup- 
porters. 

February  12th,  1851,  Mr.  Douglas  spoke  in  favor  of 
conferring  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-General  on  Winfield 
Scott.  February  22nd,  in  the  debate  on  the  execution 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  shortly  after  the  riot  in 
Boston,  Mr.  Douglas  said  : 

"The  laws  of  Illinois  have  always  discouraged 
negroes  from  coming  there.  In  regard  to  runaway 
slaves  coming  into  the  State,  we  have  a  law  imposing 
penalties,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court,  upon  any  citizen 


STEPHEN    AKNOLD   DOUGLAS.  95 

of  Illinois  'vlio  would  harbor  a  runaway  slave.  It  has 
been  my  fortune,  in  the  coiu'se  of  my  brief  judicial 
experience,  to  impose  severe  penalties  upon  citizens  oi 
Illinois  for  a  violation  of  that  law  ;  it  remains  upon  the 
statute-book  at  this  day.  The  Senator  from  Ohio  looks 
upon  this  matter  of  the  rescue  of  a  fugitive  at  Boston, 
as  a  trivial  transaction.  I  do  not.  It  is  well  known 
that  there  is  a  systematic  organization  in  many  of  the 
free  States  of  this  Union,  for  the  purpose  of  evading 
the  obligations  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  prevent  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  rela- 
tion to  fugitive  slaves.  It  has,  at  its  head,  men  of  dar- 
ing and  of  desperate  purpose ;  and  the  opposition  to 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  is  a  combined  and  concerted 
action.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a  consj)iracy  against  the 
government.  I  say,  therefore,  that  these  conspirators, 
be  they  in  Boston  or  Illinois,  are  responsible  for  all 
that  any  of  their  number  may  do  in  resistance  to  this 
law.  Sir,  I  hold  white  men  now  in  my  sight  responsi- 
ble for  the  violation  of  the  law  at  Boston.  It  was  done 
under  their  advice,  under  their  teaching,  under  the 
influence  of  their  speeches.  Tlie  negroes  in  the  free 
States  have  been  armed  by  the  abolitionist  during  the 
last  six  months,  for  the  express  purpose  of  violating  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  I  have  stood  in  a  meeting  of 
2,000  men,  and  heard  white  men  tell  the  negi'oes  to 
kill  the  first  white  man  who  attempted  to  execute  this 
law.  I  have  seen  the  weapons  that  have  been  pre- 
pared by  white  abolitionists,  to  enable  the  negroes  to 
resist.  I  trust  the  penalty  will  fall  upon  the  white 
abolitionists." 

August  26, 1852,  Mr.  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  made 


96  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

a  speech  against  tlie  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  in  favor 
of  its  repeal.     Mr.  Douglas  said,  in  reply : 

"  The  arguments  against  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  are  ar- 
guments against  tlie  Constitution  of  our  country. 
Gentlemen  should  pass  over  the  law,  and  make  their 
assaults  directly  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  in  obedience  to  which  the  law  was  passed.  Let 
them  proclaim  to  the  world  that  they  feel  bound  to 
make  violent  resistance  to  the  Consitution  which  our 
fathers  have  transmitted  to  us.  The  Constitution  pro- 
vides that  no  man  shall  be  a  Senator  unless  he  takes  an 
oath  to  support  the  Constitution.  And  when  he  takes 
that  oath,  I  do  not  understand  that  he  has  a  right  to 
have  a  mental  reservation,  or  entertain  any  mental 
equivocation  that  he  excepts  that  clause  which  relates 
to  the  surrender  of  fugitives.  I  know  not  how  a  man 
]^conciles  it  to  his  conscience  to  take  that  oath  to  sup- 
port the  Constitution,  when  he  believes  that  Constitu- 
tion is  in  violation  of  the  law  of  God.  A  man  who  thus 
believes,  and  yet  takes  the  oath,  commits  perjury 
before  God  for  the  sake  of  the  temporary  honors  of  a 
seat  on  this  floor." 

In  December,  1863,  Mr.  Douglas  reported  the  bill  to 
organize  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  ISTebraska,  em- 
bracing the  famous  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty ; 
which,  after  a  long  debate,  numerous  amendments,  and 
fierce  opposition  from  the  free-soilers  in  Congress,  be- 
came a  law  in  March,  1854. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  fiercely  and  savagely  denounced  by 
his  constituency,  and  generally  throughout  the  JSTorthern 
States.  He  was  burned  and  hung  in  efiigy  in  half  the 
towns  and  villages  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  97 

When  he  retui'ned  to  Chicago  he  was  met  by  a  savage  and 
brutal  mob,  and  loaded  with  opprobrium  and  abuse. 
He  gave  notice  that  he  would  address  the  people  in  the 
open  square,  front  of  the  North-Market  Hall,  in  defence 
of  the  principle  involved  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill ; 
but  it  was  determined  on  the  part  of  his  opponents  that 
he  should  not  be  heard. 

On  the  day  of  the  meeting,  the  flags  of  the  shipping 
in  the  harbor  were  hung  at  half-mast  in  pursuance  of 
a  previous  arrangement  of  his  enemies  ;  and  the  church- 
bells  were  rung  as  a  signal  for  the  mob  to  assemble. 
They  did  assemble,  ten  thousand  strong,  many  of  them 
armed  with  bowie-knives  and  pistols,  and  organized 
into  companies,  with  their  leaders,  ready  for  action  at 
the  given  signal.  When  Mr.  Douglas  appeared  on  the 
stand,  he  was  greeted  with  the  most  unearthly  howls ; 
when  he  commenced  to  speak,  they  threw  eggs,  stones 
and  clubs,  and  fired  pistols  to  create  a  tumult  and 
break  up  the  meeting!  During  four  hours  he  main- 
tained his  position — sometimes  appealing  to  them, — 
then  ridiculing, — then  denouncing  their  cowardice  in 
combining  to  put  down  witli  force  and  violence  a  single 
man,  who  used  no  other  weapons  than  truth  and  reason. 
His  efforts  were  futile  ;  mob-law  was  supreme.  Having 
held  them  at  bay  from  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of 
Saturday  till  past  twelve,  in  the  midst  of  their  impreca- 
tions and  violence,  he  deliberately  took  out  his  watch, 
and,  looking  at  it,  said  to  the  crowd,  "  It  is  Sunday 
morning !  I  have  to  go  to  chm*ch ;  and  you  may  go  to 

h 1 !"     He  then  retired,  pursued  by  the  mob  to  his 

hotel. 

He  immediataly  made  appointments  throughout  the 


98  STEPHEN    AKNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

State,  and  appealed  to  the  people  to  rally  in  defence  of 
the  great  principle  that  every  community  should  govern 
itself  in  respect  to  its  local  and  domestic  affairs.  The 
people  of  Illinois  did  rally,  and  gave  Mr.  Buchanan  a 
Democratic  majority  in  1856,  on  this  distinct  issue.  It 
was  the  question  of  that  campaign  in  the  JSTorth-west, 
and  was  fully  expounded  to  the  people  by  Mr.  Douglas 
at  scores  of  Buchanan  meetings. 

After  the  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  it  is  a  well-estab- 
lished fact  that  he  consulted  Mr.  Douglas  with  regard 
to  the  policy  to  be  pursued  in  the  affaii-s  of  Kansas ; 
and  that  there  was  no  disagreement  on  the  important 
point,  viz :  that  the  Constitution  which  was  about  to  be 
formed  at  Lecompton  should  be  submitted  to  and  rati- 
fied by  the  people,  at  a  fair  election  to  be  held  for  that 
purpose,  before  Kansas  could  be  admitted  as  a  State. 

That  there  was  afterward  a  decided  disagreement 
between  these  eminent  statesmen  on  this  point,  is  well 
known ;  but  we  cannot  be  expected,  in  a  sketch  like 
this,  to  discuss  the  merits  of  that  disagreement.  Mr. 
Buchanan  receded  from  his  position,  and  favored  the 
admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  the  Lecomp- 
ton Constitution,  without  submitting  the  Constitution  to 
the  people  for  ratification  or  rejection.  Mr.  Douglas 
insisted  that  he  was  bound  in  honor,  good  faith,  and  due 
regard  for  the  fundamental  principles  of  all  free  govern- 
ment, to  resist  the  measure  at  every  hazard ;  and  this 
is  supposed  to  be  the  sole  cause  of  difference  between 
him  and  the  President. 

Subsequently,  by  the  adoption  of  the  English  bill, 
the  Lecompton  controversy  was  settled,  so  far  as  Con- 
gress was  concerned.     In  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  after 


STEPHEN    AKNOLD    DOUGLAS.  99 

the  passage  of  this  bill,  Mr.  Douglas  referred  to  the 
Lecompton  controversy  as  at  an  end,  in  these  words  : 

"  But  when  the  bill  became  a  law,  the  whole  question 
was  remanded  to  Kansas,  to  be  decided  at  an  election, 
which  has  been  fixed  for  the  first  Monday  in  August. 
"Whichever  way  the  people  of  Kansas  may  decide  the 
question  at  that  election,  will  be  final  and  conclusive. 
If  they  reject  the  proposition  submitted  by  Congress, 
the  Lecompton  constitution  is  dead,  and  there  is  an  end 
of  the  controversy.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  accept 
the  '  proposition,'  Kansas,  from  that  moment,  becomes 
a  State  of  the  Union,  and  thus  the  controversy  termi- 
nates. Whether  they  shall  accept  or  reject  the  proposi- 
tion is  a  question  for  the  people  of  Kansas  to  decide  for 
themselves,  and  with  which  neither  Congress  nor  the 
people  of  the  several  States,  nor  any  person,  official  or 
otherwise,  outside  of  that  Territory,  has  any  right  to  in- 
terfere. Hence,  the  Lecompton  controversy  is  at  an 
end ;  for  all  men,  of  all  parties,  must  be  content  with 
and  abide  by  whatever  decision  the  people  of  Kansas 
may  make. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  the  question  naturally 
arises,  what  controverted  principle  is  there  left  for 
Democrats  to  differ  and  divide  about  ? 

"  In  the  first  place,  we  all  agree,  not  only  Democrats, 
but  men  of  all  parties,  that  whatever  decision  the 
people  of  Kansas  may  make  at  the  election  on  the  first 
Monday  in  August,  must  be  final  and  conclusive. 

"  ITow,  if  we  can  agree,  as  I  have  always  avowed  my 
willingness  to  do,  to  STistain  President  Buchanan's  re- 
commendation, that  in  all  future  cases  the  constitution 
shall  be   submitted   to   the   people,   as   was   required 


100  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

in  the  Minnesota  case,  all  matters  of  dispute  and  con- 
troversy will  be  at  an  end,  and  onr  Territorial  policy 
will  be  firmly  placed  on  a  wise  and  just  basis." 

June  12,  1857,  Mr.  Douglas  addressed  the  Grand 
Jury  of  the  United  States  Court,  at  Springfield,  Illinois, 
upon  the  aifairs  of  Kansas  and  Utah,  and  the  recently- 
decided  Dread  Scott  case.  At  the  time  he  made  this 
speech,  he  had  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Buchanan  would  re- 
move Brigham  Young  and  all  his  adherents  from  office, 
cause  a  searching  investigation  to  be  made  into  all  the 
crimes  that  have  been  perpetrated  in  Utah,  and  exe- 
cute the  laws  by  military  force,  if  necessary.  ISTo  tem- 
porizing policy,  no  half-way  measures,  no  nonsense  of 
any  kind,  says  Mr.  Douglas,  will  avail  in  this  case. 
"  He  would  first  repeal  the  organic  act,  absolutely 
and  unconditionally,  blotting  out  of  existence  the  terri- 
torial government,  and  bringing  Utah  under  the  sole 
and  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment." 

This  mode  of  grappling  the  question  does  not  admit 
of  a  middle  com-se ;  it  is  not  the  plan  of  sending  our 
army  to  Utah  at  an  enormous  expense,  merely  to  tell 
Brigham  Toung  to  be  a  good  boy,  and  not  act  naughty 
any  more :  it  is  the  decisive  measure  that  says,  You 
have  played  the  traitor  long  enough,  and  now  you 
must  suffer  the  consequences  !  It  is  evident  that  Mr. 
Douglas  never  attended  a  hair-splitting  school. 

The  leading  views  of  Mr.  Douglas,  on  the  great  ques- 
tions of  the  day,  are  sufficiently  indicated  in  this 
sketch ;  but  the  power  and  vigor  with  which  he  has 
advocated  those  views,  his  tenacious  adherence  to  prin- 
ciple under  all  circumstances,  through  evil  as  well  as 


8TEPHKN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS.  101 

good  report,  and  liis  indomitable  perseverance  against 
obstacles  and  discouragements  that  would  crush  ordin- 
ary men,  can  only  be  appreciated  through  a  compre- 
hensive inspection  of  all  his  acts  and  speeches  through 
his  long  and  remarkably  industrious  term  of  jDublic 
service. — Records  of  votes  and  extracts  from  speeches 
may  be  gathered  and  collected  at  random,  and  the 
same  stern,  unflinching  consistency  with  declared  views, 
will  be  found  to  pervade  them  all ;  and  records  and 
declarations  taken  as  a  whole  constitute  an  edifice  of 
the  most  symmetrical  proportions,  and  fair  to  the  eye. 
It  is  not  our  province  to  approve  or  disaj^prove  of  the 
peculiar  views  of  Senator  Douglas ;  we  deal  with  facts, 
and  leave  the  reader  to  form  his  own  deductions, 

Dec.  9th,  1857,  Mr.  Douglas  made  his  great  speech 
in  the  Senate  against  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  in 
reply  to  a  portion  of  the  message  of  President  Bu- 
chanan, in  the  course  of  which  he  defined  his  position 
as  follows : 

"  We  agree  that  the  people  shall  decide  for  them- 
selves what  kind  of  a  judiciary  system  they  will  have  ; 
we  agree  that  the  people  shall  decide  what  kind  of  a 
school  system  they  will  establish  ;  we  agree  that  the 
people  shall  determine  for  themselves  what  kind  of  a 
bauking  system  they  will  have,  or  whether  they  will 
have  any  banks  at  all ;  we  agree  that  the  people  may 
decide  for  themselves  what  shall  be  the  elective  fran- 
chise in  their  respective  States  ;  they  shall  decide  for 
themselves  what  shall  be  the  rule  of  taxation  and  the 
principles  upon  which  their  finances  shall  be  regu- 
lated ;  we  agree  that  they  may  decide  for  themselves 
the  relations  between  husband  and  wife,  parent  and 


102  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

cliild,  guardian  and  ward ;  and  wliy  should  we  not  tlien 
allow  them  to  decide  for  themselves  the  relations 
between  master  and  servant  ?  Why  make  an  excep- 
tion of  the  slavery  question,  by  taking  it  out  of  that 
great  rule  of  self-government  which  applies  to  all  the 
other  relations  of  life  ?  The  very  first  proposition  in 
the  iNebraska  bill  was  to  show  that  the  Missouri  restric- 
tion, prohibiting  the  people  from  deciding  the  slavery 
question  for  themselves,  constituted  an  exception  to  a 
general  rule,  in  violation  of  the  principle  of  self-govern- 
ment, and  hence  that  that  exception  should  be 
repealed,  and  the  slavery  question,  like  all  other  ques- 
tions, submitted  to  the  people,  to  be  decided  for  them- 
selves. 

"  That  was  the  principle  on  which  the  Nebraska  bill 
was  defended  by  its  friends.  Instead  of  making  the 
slavery  question  an  exception,  it  removed  an  odious 
exception  which  before  existed.  Its  whole  object  was 
to  abolish  that  odious  exception,  and  make  the  rule 
general,  universal,  in  its  application  to  all  matters 
which  were  local  and  domestic,  and  not  national  or  fed- 
eral. For  this  reason  was  the  language  employed 
which  the  President  has  quoted  ;  that  the  eighth  sec- 
tion to  the  Missouri  act,  commonly  called  the  Missom-i 
Compromise,  was  repealed,  because  it  was  repugnant 
to  the  principle  of  non-intervention  established  by  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  '  it  being  the  true 
intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery 
into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom, 
but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form 
and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  OAvn 
way,   subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 


STEI'HKN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS.  103 

States.'  We  repealed  the  Missouri  restriction,  because 
that  was  confined  to  slaverj^  That  was  the  only  excep- 
tion there  was  to  the  general  principle  of  self-govern- 
ment. That  exception  was  taken  away  for  the  avowed 
and  expressed  purpose  of  making  the  rule  of  self-gov- 
ernment general  and  universal,  so  that  the  people  should 
form  and  regulate  all  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way. 

*'  Sir,  what  would  this  boasted  principle  of  popular 
sovereignty  have  been  worth,  if  it  applied  only  to  the 
negro,  and  did  not  extend  to  the  white  man  ?  Do  you 
think  we  could  have  aroused  the  sympathies  and  the 
patriotism  of  this  broad  Republic,  and  have  carried  the 
Presidential  election  last  year  in  the  face  of  a  tremen- 
dous opposition,  on  the  principle  of  extending  the  rights 
of  self-government  to  the  negro  question,  but  denying 
it  as  to  all  the  relations  affecting  white  men  ?  'No,  sir. 
We  aroused  the  patriotism  of  the  country,  and  carried 
the  election  in  defence  of  that  great  principle,  which 
allowed  all  white  men  to  form  and  regulate  their  do- 
mestic institutions  to  suit  themselves — institutions  appli- 
cable to  white  men  as  well  as  to  black  men — institutions 
applicable  to  freemen  as  well  as  to  slaves — institutions 
concerning  all  the  relations  of  life,  and  not  the  mere 
paltry  exception  of  the  slavery  question.  Sir,  I  have 
spent  too  much  strength  and  breath,  and  health,  too,  to 
establish  this  great  principle  in  the  popular  heart,  now 
to  see  it  frittered  away  by  bringing  it  down  to  an  excep- 
tion that  applies  to  the  negro,  and  does  not  extend  to 
the  benefit  of  the  white  man." 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  speech,  he  expressed  his 
views  in  the  following  language  : 


104  STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

"  You  have  no  more  right  to  force  a  free  State  Consitu- 
tion  on  Kansas  than  a  slave  State  Constitution.  K  Kan- 
sas wants  a  slave  State  Constitution,  she  has  a  right  to 
it ;  if  she  wants  a  free  State  Constitution,  she  has  a  right 
to  it.  It  is  none  of  mj  business  which  way  tlie  slavery- 
clause  is  decided.  I  care  not  whether  it  is  voted  down 
or  voted  up.  Do  you  suppose,  after  the  pledges  of  my 
honor  that  I  would  go  for  that  principle,  and  leave  the 
people  to  vote  as  they  choose,  that  I  would  now  degrade 
myself  by  voting  one  way  if  the  slavery  clause  be  voted 
down,  and  another  way  if  it  be  voted  up  ?  I  care  not 
how  that  vote  may  stand.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  it 
will  he  voted  out.  I  think  I  have  seen  enough  in  the 
last  three  days  to  make  it  certain  that  it  will  be  returned 
out,  no  matter  how  the  vote  may  stand. 

"  Sir,  I  am  opposed  to  that  concern,  because  it  looks  to 
me  like  a  system  of  trickery  and  jugglery  to  defeat  the 
fair  expression  of  the  will  of  the  peoj)le.  There  is  no 
necessity  for  crowding  this  measure,  so  unfair,  so  unjust 
as  it  is  in  all  its  aspects,  upon  us.  Why  can  we  not  now 
do  what  we  proposed  to  do  in  the  last  Congress  ?  We 
then  voted  through  tlie  Senate  an  enabling  act,  called 
'  the  Toombs'  bill,'  believed  to  be  just  and  fair  in  all  its 
provisions,  pronounced  to  be  almost  perfect  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  ]S"ew  Hampshire,  (Mr.  Hale,)  only  he  did  not 
like  the  man,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  who 
would  have  to  make  the  appointments.  Why  can  we  not 
take  that  bill,  and,  out  of  compliment  to  the  President, 
add  to  it  a  clause  taken  from  the  Minnesota  Act,  which  he 
thinks  should  be  a  general  rule,  requiring  the  constitution 
to  be  submitted  to  the  people,  and  pass  that  ?  That  imites 
the  party.  You  all  voted,  with  me,  for  that  bill,  at  the 
last  Congress.     Why  not  stand  by  the  same  bill  now  ? 


STEPHEN    AKXOLD    DOUGLAS.  105 

Ignore  Lecompton,  ignore  Topeka,  treat  both  those 
partj  movements  as  irregular  and  void ;  pass  a  fair  bill 
— the  one  that  we  framed  ourselves  when  we  were  act- 
ing as  a  unit ;  have  a  fair  election,  and  jou  will  have 
peace  in  the  Democratic  party,  and  peace  throughout 
the  country,  in  ninety  days.  The  people  want  a  fair 
vote.  They  will  never  be  satisj&ed  without  it.  They 
never  should  be  satisfied  without  a  fair  vote  on  their 
Constitution. 

"  If  the  Toombs'  bill  does  not  suit  my  friends,  take  the 
Minnesota  bill  of  the  last  session — the  one  so  much  com- 
mended by  the  President  in  his  message  as  a  model. 
Let  us  pass  that  as  an  enabling  act,  and  allow  the  peo- 
ple of  all  parties  to  come  together  and  have  a  fair  vote, 
and  I  will  go  for  it.  Frame  any  other  bill  that  secures 
a  fair,  honest  vote  to  men  of  all  parties,  and  carries  out 
the  pledge  that  the  people  shall  be  left  free  to  decide 
on  their  domestic  institutions  for  themselves,  and  I  will 
go  with  you  with  pleasure,  and  with  all  the  energy  I 
may  possess.  But  if  this  Constitution  is  to  be  forced 
down  om*  throats,  in  violation  of  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  free  government,  under  a  mode  of  submission 
that  is  a  mockery  and  insult,  I  will  resist  it  to  the  last. 
I  have  no  fear  of  any  party  associations  being  severed. 
I  should  regret  any  social  or  political  estrangement, 
even  temporarily ;  but  if  it  must  be,  if  I  cannot  act  with 
you,  and  preserve  my  faith  and  my  honor,  I  will  stand 
on  the  great  principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  which 
declares  the  right  of  all  people  to  be  left  perfectly  free 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way.  I  will  follow  that  principle  wherever  its 
logical  consequences  may  take  me,  and  I  will  endeavor 


106  BTEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

to  defend  it  against  assault  from  any  and  all  quarters. 
]Sro  mortal  man  sliall  be  responsible  for  my  action  but 
myself.     By  my  action  I  will  compromit  no  man." 

When  Mr.  Douglas  spoke  as  above,  his  audience  was 
not  simply  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  but  the 
whole  country.  Tlie  eyes  of  the  nation  were  on  him 
then,  as  they  are  on  him  now  ;  the  popular  ear  was  in- 
tently listening  to  catch  every  expression  from  his 
tongue,  for  the  chivalrous  boldness  with  which  he  had 
entered  the  arena,  and  bearded  Lecomp ton  in  the  house 
of  its  friends  and  supporters,  was  unexpected  and  start- 
ling to  those  who  did  not  know  the  man ;  and  proves 
that  the  same  spirit  of  independence  now  actuates  him 
that  impelled  the  young  Douglas,  at  the  age  of  fifteen, 
to  exclaim,  "  Well,  I  will  take  care  of  myself."  It  was 
the  grand  coup-d^ e-iat  of  an  accomplished  strategist 
who  knows  his  strength,  his  points  and  advantages,  and 
can  make  the  most  of  them  ;  and  wliatever  view  we 
may  take  of  his  peculiar  sentiments,  we  cannot  avoid 
expressing  our  admiratioii  for  the  brilliant  and  deter- 
mined manner  in  which  he  has  asserted  and  maintained 
his  position. 

It  appears  supererogatory  and  almost  useless  to 
attempt  to  interpret  between  this  powerful  mind  and 
the  public  ;  but  when  we  say  that  his  appeals  for  the 
measures  he  advocates,  are  addressed  more  to  the 
impulses  of  the  popular  heart,  than  to  the  sober,  unim- 
passioned  judgment  of  the  popular  head,  we  mean  in 
nowise  to  detract  from  the  importance  of  his  measures, 
nor  the  effectiveness  of  his  efforts  in  their  advance- 
ment. He  rarely  fails,  when  lie  makes  the  effort  in 
that  direction,  to  convince  the  judgment  of  his  auditors, 


STEPUEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  107 

and  make  reasonable  progress  in  their  affections  at  the 
same  time. 

In  some  instances,  we  have  viewed  him  as  too 
impulsive  and  revolutionary, — inclined  to  act  on  the 
spur  of  the  occasion,  without  that  deliberative  coolness 
that  should  characterize  a  great  statesman.  However, 
this  apparent  impulsiveness  may  be  in  a  great  degree 
accounted  for  by  the  almost  unexampled,  facility  witli 
which  lie  forms  his  judgments,  and  the  wonderful 
expedition  that  resolves  them  into  action.  His  speech 
in  the  Senate,  May  29th,  1858,  on  the  general  subject 
of  the  recent  British  aggressions  on  our  shipping, 
while  it  was  powerful  and  impressive,  was  viewed  by 
many  as  too  warlike  in  its  tone,  and  advocating  meas- 
ures that  would  more  than  meet  the  emergency.  He 
urged  that  the  President  should  be  clothed  with  power 
to  punish,  instantly  and  effectually,  all  outrages  on  our 
flag  as  soon  as  committed  :  "  confer  the  power,  and 
liold  him  responsible  for  its  abuse."  He  contended 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  utterly 
powerless  abroad,  and  that  unless  some  such  measure 
as  he  proposed  were  adopted.  Great  Britain  would 
continue  these  outrages. 

"  While  I  am  opposed  to  war,"  said  he,  "  while  I 
liave  no  idea  of  any  breach  of  the  peace  with  England, 
yet,  I  confess  to  you,  sir,  if  war  should  come  by  her 
act,  and  not  ours ;  by  her  invasion  of  our  rights,  and 
our  vindication  of  the  same ;  I  would  administer  to 
every  citizen,  and  every  child,  Hanibal's  oath  of 
eternal  hostility,  as  long  as  the  English  flag  waved,  or 
their  government  claimed  a  foot  of  land  upon  the 
American   continent  or  the  adjacent  islands,     I  Avould 


108  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

make  it  a  war  that  would  settle  our  disputes  forever, 
not  only  of  the  right  of  search  upon  the  seas,  but  the 
right  fco  tread  with  a  hostile  foot  upon  the  soil  of  the 
American  continent  or  its  appendages." 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  in  June, 
1858,  Mr.  Douglas  returned  to  Illinois,  to  canvass  the 
State  for  re-election  to  the  Senate,  and  to  vindicate  the 
line  of  policy  he  had  thought  it  his  duty  to  pursue. 
He  was  received  at  Chicago  with  great  enthusiasm, — 
some  thirty  thousand  people  having  gathered  together 
to  greet  his  return.  We  make  the  following  extract 
from  his  reply  to  the  address  of  welcome  : 

"If  there  is  any  one  principle  dearer  and  more 
sacred  than  all  others  in  free  governments,  it  is  that 
which  asserts  the  exclusive  right  of  a  free  people  to 
form  and  adopt  their  own  fundamental  law,  and  to 
manage  and  regulate  their  own  internal  aftairs  and 
domestic  institutions. 

"  When  I  found  an  effort  being  made,  during  the 
recent  session  of  Congress,  to  force  a  constitution  upon 
the  people  of  Kansas  against  their  will,  and  to  force 
that  State  into  the  Union  with  a  constitution  which 
her  people  had  rejected  by  more  than  10,000  majority, 
I  felt  bound,  as  a  man  of  honor  and  a  representative 
of  Illinois — bound  by  every  consideration  of  duty,  of 
fidelity,  and  of  patriotism — to  resist  to  the  utmost  of 
my  power  the  consummation  of  what  I  deemed  fraud. 
With  others  I  did  resist  it,  and  resisted  it  successfully 
until  the  attempt  was  abandoned.  We  forced  them  to 
refer  that  constitution  back  to  the  people  of  Kansas,  to 
be  accepted  or  rejected,  as  they  shall  decide  at  an 
election,  which  is  fixed  for  the  first  Monday  of  August 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS,  109 

next.  It  is  true  that  the  mode  of  reference  and  the 
form  of  submission  was  not  such  as  I  could  sanction  with 
mj  vote,  for  the  reason  that  it  discriminated  between 
free  States  and  slave  States  ;  providing  that  if  Kansas 
consented  to  come  in  under  the  Lecompton  constitution, 
it  should  be  received  with  a  population  of  35,000 ;  but 
if  she  demanded  another  constitution,  more  consistent 
with  the  sentiments  of  her  people  and  their  feelings, 
that  it  should  not  be  received  into  the  Union  until  she 
had  93,420  inhabitants.  I  did  not  consider  that  mode 
of  submission  fair,  for  the  reason  that  any  election  is  a 
mockery  which  is  not  free — that  any  election  is  a  fraud 
upon  the  rights  of  the  people  which  holds  out  induce- 
ments for  affirmative  votes,  and  threatens  penalties  for 
negative  votes.  But  whilst  I  was  not  satisfied  with 
the  mode  of  submission,  whilst  I  resisted  it  to  the  last, 
demanding  a  fair,  a  just,  a  free  mode  of  submission, 
still,  when  the  law  passed,  placing  it  within  the  power 
of  the  people  of  Kansas  at  that  election  to  reject  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  and  then  make  another  in 
harmony  with  their  principles  and  their  opinions,  I  did 
not  believe  that  either  the  penalties  on  the  one  hand, 
or  the  inducements  on  the  other,  would  prevail  on  that 
people  to  accept  a  constitution  to  which  they  are  irre- 
concilably opposed.  All  I  can  say  is^  that  if  their 
votes  can  be  controlled  by  such  considerations,  all  the 
sympathy  which  has  been  expended  upon  them  has 
been  misplaced,  and  all  the  eflforts  that  have  been 
made  in  defence  of  their  right  to  self-government  have 
been  made  in  an  unworthy  cause. 

"  I  will  be  entirely  frank  with  you.     My  object  was 
to  secure  the  right  of  the  people  of  each  State  and  of 


110  STKfHExN^    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

each  Territory,  North  or  Soutli,  to  decide  the  question 
for  themselves,  to  have  slavery  or  not,  just  as  they 
choose  ;  and  my  opposition  to  tlie  Lecompton  Constitu- 
tion was  not  2>redicated  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  a 
pro-slavery  Constitution  y  nor  would  my  action  have 
been  different  had  it  been  a  free-soil  Constitution.  My 
speech  against  it  was  made  on  the  9th  of  December, 
while  the  vote  on  the  slavery  clause  in  that  Constitu- 
tion was  not  taken  until  the  21st  of  the  same  month, 
nearly  two  weeks  after.  I  made  my  speech  solely  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  a  violation  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  free  government ;  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  not  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people  of  Kansas ; 
that  it  did  not  embodv  their  will ;  that  thev  were 
averse  to  it ;  and  hence  I  denied  the  right  of  Congress 
to  force  it  upon  them,  either  as  a  free  State  or  a  slave 
State.  I  deny  the  right  of  Congress  to  force  a  slave- 
holding  State  upon  an  unwilling  people.  I  deny  their 
right  to  force  a  free  State  upon  an  unwilling  people.  I 
deny  their  right  to  force  a  good  thing  upon  a  people 
who  are  unwilling  to  receive  it.  The  great  principle  is 
the  right  of  every  community  to  judge  and  decide  for 
itself  whether  a  thing  is  right  or  wrong,  whether 
it  would  be  good  or  evil  for  them  to  adopt  it ;  and  the 
right  of  free  action,  the  right  of  free  thought,  the  right 
of  free  judgment  upon  the  question,  is  dearer  to  every 
true  American  than  any  other  under  a  free  govern- 
ment. My  objection  to  the  Lecompton  contrivance 
was,  that  it  undertook  to  put  a  constitution  on  the  peo- 
ple of  Kansas  against  their  will,  in  opposition  to  their 
wishes,  and  thus  violated  the  great  principle  upon 
which  all  our  institutions  rest.     It  is  no  answer  to  this 


STEPHEN    AR^vfOLD    DOUGLAS.  Ill 

argument  to  say  tliat  slavery  is  an  evil,  and  hence 
slionld  not  be  tolerated.  Yon  must  allow  the  people 
to  decide  for  themselves  whether  it  is  a  good  or 
an  evih  Yon  allow  them  to  decide  for  themselves 
AA'liether  they  desire  a  Maine  liquor  law  or  not ;  you 
allow  them  to  decide  for  themselves  what  kind  of  com- 
mon schools  they  will  have  ;  what  system  of  banking 
they  will  adopt,  or  whether  they  will  adopt  any  at  all ; 
yon  allow  them  to  decide  for  themselves  the  relations 
between  husband  and  wife,  parent  and  child,  and 
guardian  and  ward ;  in  fact,  you  allow  them  to  decide 
for  themselves  all  other  questions,  and  why  not  upon 
this  question  ?  Whenever  you  put  a  limitation  upon 
the  right  of  any  peoj)le  to  decide  what  laws  they  want, 
you  have  destroyed  the  fundamental  principle  of  self- 
government." 

Never  was  a  political  canvass  made  with  more  spirit 
than  that  inaugurated  by  this  speech.  Mr.  Lincoln, 
the  candidate  of  the  opp'osition,  was  without  doubt  the 
ablest  man  in  the  Republican  party  of  Illinois,  an 
excellent  debater,  and  thoroughly  posted  in  political 
history.  In  the  fom-  months  occupied  by  this  cam- 
paign, Mr.  Douglas  made  one  hundred  and  thirty 
speeches — one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  of  which 
were  delivered  in  the  open  air.  He  passed  most 
of  the  time  in  rail-cars  and  carriages,  on  an  average 
going  to  bed  but  three  times  a  week.  On  one  occasion 
during  the  canvass,  he  was  five  days  and  nights  with- 
out takixig  his  clothes  off  or  going  to  bed.  The  ground 
was  fiercely  contested,  inch  by  inch,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  fight  all  his  Kansas  battles  over  again  with 
an   opponent  wlio   never   thought   of  capitulation   or 


112  STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

defeat  in  his  life.  The  two  great  minds  of  the  West 
were  combatting  for  the  mastery — ^the  championship, 
if  you  will — and  this  country  has  probably  never  wit- 
nessed an  intellectual  exhibition  so  exciting,  nor  looked 
for  the  result  of  any  contest  with  more  intense  anxiety. 

Our  space  will  not  allow  us  to  describe  the  campaign 
in  detail.  Mr.  Douglas  reiterated  the  principles  that 
had  governed  his  action  through  his  public  career,  and 
was  especially  emphatic  on  squatter  sovereignty.  As 
much  has  been  said  about  the  Freeport  speech,  and 
the  questions  propounded  by  Mr.  Lincoln  on  that  occa- 
sion, we  make  room  for  the  following  question  and  an- 
swer, as  again  defining  the  "  Little  Giant's"  position  on 
the  main  plank  of  his  platform : 

Question  hy  Mr.  Lincoln — "  Can  the  people  of  a 
Territory  of  the  United  States  in  any  lawful  way, 
against  the  wishes  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to  the  formation 
of  a  State  Constitution  ?"  • 

To  which  Mr.  Douglas  replied  : 

"  Tlie  question  propounded  to  me  by  Mr.  Lincoln  is, 
can  the  people  of  a  Territory  in  any  lawful  way, 
against  the  wishes  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
exclude  slavery  from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation 
of  a  State  Constitution  ?  I  answer  emphatically,  as  Mr. 
Lincoln  has  heard  me  answer  a  hundred  times  from 
every  stump  in  Illinois,  that  in  my  opinion  the  people 
of  a  Territory  can,  by  lawful  means,  exclude  slavery 
from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  Con- 
stitution. Mr.  Lincoln  knew  that  I  had  answered  that 
question  over  and  over  again.  He  heard  me  argue 
the  Nebraska  bill  on  that  principle  all  over  the  State 


STEPilKX    AKXOLD    DOUGLAS.  313 

in  1854,  in  1855  and  in  1856,  and  he  lias  no  excuse  for 
pretending  to  be  in  doubt  as  to  mj  position  on 
that  question.  It  matters  not  what  way  the  Supreme 
Court  may  hereafter  decide  as  to  the  abstract  question, 
whether  slavery  may  or  may  not  go  into  a  Territory 
under  the  Constitution  ;  the  people  have  the  lawful 
means  to  introduce  it  or  exclude  it  as  they  please,  for 
the  reason  that  slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour 
anywhere,  unless  it  is  supported  by  local  police  regula- 
tions. Those  police  regulations  can  only  be  established 
by  the  local  legislature,  and  if  the  people  are  opposed 
to  slavery,  they  will  elect  representatives  to  that  body 
who  will  by  unfriendly  legislation  eifectually  prevent 
the  introduction  of  it  into  their  midst.  If,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  are  for  it,  their  legislation  will  favor  its  ex- 
tension. Hence,  no  matter  what  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  may  be  on  that  abstract  question,  still 
the  right  of  the  people  to  make  a  slave  Territory  or 
a  free  Territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the 
Nebraska  bill."' 

The  result  of  this  canvass  is  well  known.     Mr.  Doug- 
las was  elected  over  Mr.  Lincoln,  by  54  to  46  votes. 

On  his  return  to  the  Senate  after  this  brilliant  tri- 
umph, he  found  himself  precipitated  into  another  con- 
test, against  fearful  odds  and  numbers,  and  in  defence 
of  the  same  principle  of  local  self-government.  He 
maintained  his  position,  single-handed,  against  Sena- 
tors Brown,  Mason,  Davis,  Hunter,  Green,  Gwin,  and 
orhers.  February  23,  1859,  Mr.  Brown,  of  Miss., 
made  a  splendid  speech  in  the  Senate,  insisting  on  a 
code  of  laws  for  protecting  slavery  in  tlie  territories. 
A.dmitting  that,  if  the  people  of  the  territories  did  not 


114  BTEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

want  negroes,  they  could  lawfully  legislate  so  as  to 
accomplish  their  purpose,  he  assumed  that  it  was  the 
right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  laws  to  sustain  it 
against  it  the  popular  will.  Taking  Mr,  Douglas's 
position  (as  he  said)  foi*  granted,  Mr.  Brown  desired 
to  hear  from  other  democratic  Senators  from  the  free 
States,  and  to  know  whether  they  would  vote  to  pro- 
tect the  rights  of  slaveholders  in  the  territories.  No 
one  rising  for  several  minutes,  Mr.  Brown  concluded 
his  remarks,  and  the  Senate  being  about  to  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  other  subjects,  Mr.  Douglas  arose, 
and  observed  that  if  no  other  ^Northern  democratic 
Senator  desired  to  be  heard  on  the  points  presented  by 
the  gentleman  from  Mississippi,  he  craved  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate.  He  thanked  Mr.  Brown  for  taking 
his  position  for  granted  on  the  question  presented  to 
the  other  ISTorthern  democrats,  and  said  he  had  yet  to 
know  that  there  was  one  democrat  in  the  free  States 
who  would  vote  to  protect  slavery  in  the  territories  by 
congressional  enactment  against  the  popular  decision. 
He  proceeded  to  show  that  all  property  in  the  territo- 
ries, including  slaves,  is,  and  must  be,  subject  to  the 
local  law  of  the  territorial  legislature  ; — that  the  terri- 
torial legislature  has  the  same  power  over  slaves  in  the 
territory,  as  it  lias  over  all  other  property,  and  no 
more  ;  that  his  past  record  shows  that  he  would  never 
vote  for  a  congressional  slave  code  for  the  territories  ; 
that  such  a  code  is  an  absurdity  ;  that  if  the  people  of 
a  territory  want  slavery  there,  they  will  enact  laws  for 
its  protection  ;  that  it  was  the  intent  of  the  iN^ebraska 
bill  to  confer  on  the  territorial  legislature  ail  the 
power  that  Congress  possessed  on  the  subject  of  slavery, 


STEPHEN    AKNOLD   DOUGLAS.  115 

to  allow  them  to  exercise  it  as  the  people  of  the  terri- 
tory chose ;  that  the  provisions  of  that  bill  expressly 
forbid  the  enactment  of  a  congressional  slave  code  for 
the  territories. 

In  the  course  of  liiB  remarks,  he  said  : 

"  The  Senator  from  Mississippi  and  myself  agree  that, 
nnder  the  decision,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  slaves  are 
property,  standing  on  an  equal  footing  with  all  other 
property ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  owner  of  slaves 
has  the  same  right  to  carry  his  slaves  with  him  to 
a  Territory,  as  the  owner  of  any  other  species  of  prop- 
erty has  to  carry  his  property  there.  The  right  of 
ti'ansit  to  and  from  the  Territories  is  the  same  for 
one  species  of  property  as  it  is  for  all  others.  Thus  far 
the  Senator  from  Mississippi  and  myself  agree — that 
slave  property  in  the  Territories  stands  on  an  equal 
footing  with  every  other  sjDecies  of  property.  Now,  the 
question  arises,  to  what  extent  is  property,  slaves 
included,  subject  to  the  local  law  of  the  Territory  ? 
Whatever  power  the  Territorial  legislature  has  over 
other  species  of  property,  extends,  in  my  judgment,  to 
the  same  extent,  and  in  like  manner,  to  slave  property. 
The  Territorial  legislature  has  the  same  power  to  legis- 
late in  respect  to  slaves,  that  it  has  in  regard  to  any 
other  property,  to  the  same  extent,  and  no  further.  If 
the  Senator  wishes  to  know  what  power  it  has  over  the 
slaves  in  the  Territories,  I  answer,  Let  him  tell  nft  what 
power  it  has  to  legislate  over  every  other  species  of 
l)roperty,  either  by  encouragement  or  by  taxation,  or  in 
any  other  mode,  and  lie  has  my  answer  in  regard 
to  slave  property. 

"  But  the  Senator  says  that  there  is  something  pecu- 


# 


116  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

Kar  in  slave  property,  requiring  further  protection  than 
other  species  of  property.  If  so,  it  is  the  misfortune  of 
tliose  who  own  that  species  of  property.  He  tells  us  that, 
if  the  Territorial  legislature  tails  to  pass  a  slave  code  for 
the  Territories,  fails  to  pass  police  regulations  to  protect 
slave  property,  the  absence  of  such  legislation  practic- 
ally excludes  slave  property  as  effectually  as  a  consti- 
tutional prohibition  would  exclude  it.  I  agree  to  that 
proposition.  He  says,  furthermore,  that  it  is  competent 
for  the  Territorial  legislature,  by  the  exercise  of  the 
taxing  power,  and  other  functions  within  the  limits  of 
the  Constitution,  to  adopt  unfriendly  legislation,  which 
practically  drives  slavery  out  of  the  Territory.  I  agree 
to  that  proposition.  That  is  just  what  I  said,  and  all  I 
said,  and  just  what  I  meant  by  my  Freeport  speech  in 
Illinois,  upon  which  there  has  been  so  much  comment 
throughout  the  country." 

"The  Senator  from  Mississippi  says  they  ought  to 
pass  such  a  code ;  but  he  admits  that  it  is  immaterial  to 
inquire  whether  they  ought  or  ought  not  to  do  it ;  for 
if  they  do  not  want  it,  they  will  not  enact  it ;  and  if 
they  do  not  do  it,  there  is  no  mode  by  which  you  can 
compel  them  to  do  it.  He  admits  there  is  no  compul- 
sory means  by  which  you  can  coerce  the  Territorial 
legislature  to  pass  such  a  law ;  and  for  that  reason  he 
insists  that,  in  case  of  non-action  bv  the  Territorial 
legislature,  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  Southern  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  demand  affirmative  action  by 
Congress  in  the  enactment  of  a  slave  code  for  the  Ter- 
ritories. He  says  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  put  the 
question  to  me,  whether  I  would  vote  for  a  congres- 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS.  117 

sional  slave  code.  He  desires  to  know  of  all  other 
Northern  Democrats  what  .they  will  do  ;  he  does  not 
wish  an  answer  from  me.  I  am  much  obliged  to  him 
for  taking  it  for  granted,  from  my  past  record,  that 
I  would  never  vote  for  a  slave  code  in  the  Territories 
by  Congress ;  and  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  there  is 
a  man  in  a  free  State  of  this  Union  of  any  party  who 
would." 
*  -x-  *  «  *  *  ** 

"Now,  sir,  I  stand  on  the  Kansas-ISrebraska  bill,  as  it 
was  expounded  and  understood  at  the  time,  with  this 
full  power  in  the  Territorial  legislature,  with  the  right 
of  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  to  test  the  validity  of 
its  laws,  and  no  right  whatever  to  appeal  to  Congress 
to  repeal  them  in  the  event  of  our  not  liking  them.  I 
am  ready  to  answer  the  inquiry  of  the  Senator  from 
Mississippi,  whether,  if  I  believed  the  Maine  liquor 
law  to  be  unconstitutional  and  wrong,  and  if  a  Territo- 
rial legislature  should  pass  it,  I  would  vote  here  to  an- 
nul it?  I  tell  him  no.  If  the  people  of  Kansas  want  a 
Maine  liquor  law,  let  them  have  it.  If  they  do  not 
want  it,  let  them  refuse  to  pass  it.  If  they  do  pass  it, 
and  any  citizen  thinks  that  law  violates  the  Constitu- 
tion, let  him  make  a  case,  and  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court.  If  the  court  sustains  his  objection,  the  law  is 
void.  If  it  overrules  the  objection,  the  decision  must 
stand  until  the  people,  who  alone  are  to  be  affected  by 
it,  who  alone  have  an  interest  in  it,  may  choose  to  re- 
])eal  it.  So  I  say  with  reference  to  slavery.  Let  the 
Territorial  legislature  pass  just  such  laws  in  regard  to 
slavery  as  they  think  they  have  a  riglit  to  enact  under 
tlic  Constitution  of  the  United  States.     If  I  do  not  like 


118  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

those  laws,  I  will  not  vote  to  repeal  them ;  if  you  do 
not  like  them,  you  must  not  vote  to  repeal  them ;  but 
anybody  aggrieved  may  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
and,  if  they  are  constitutional,  they  must  stand ;  if  they 
are  unconstitutional,  they  are  void.  That  was  the  doc- 
trine of  non-intervention,  as  it  was  understood  at  the 
time  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  passed.  That  is  the 
way  it  was  explained  and  argued  in  the  Senate,  and  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  before  the  country. 
It  was  distinctly  understood  that  Congress  was  never 
to  intervene  for  or  against  slavery,  or  for  or  against 
any  other  institution  in  the  Territories ;  but  leave  the 
courts  to  decide  all  constitutional  questions  as  they 
might  arise,  and  the  President  to  carry  the  decrees  of 
the  court  into  effect ;  and,  in  case  of  resistance  to  his 
authority  in  executing  the  judicial  process,  let  him  use, 
if  necessar}'^,  the  whole  military  force  of  the  country,  as 
provided  by  existing  laws." 

"  I  am  glad  that  the  Senator  from  Mississippi  means 
to  have  a  clear,  unequivocal,  specific  statement  of  our 
principles,  so  that  there  shall  be  no  cheating  on  either 
side.  I  intend  to  use  language  which  can  be  repeated 
in  Chicago  as  well  as  in  New  Orleans,  in  Charleston 
the  same  as  in  Boston.  We  live  under  a  common  Con- 
stitution. No  political  creed  is  sound  or  safe  which 
cannot  be  proclaimed  in  the  same  sense  wherever  the 
American  flag  waves  over  American  soil.  If  the  North 
and  the  South  cannot  come  to  a  common  ground  on  the 
slavery  question,  the  sooner  we  know  it,  the  better. 
The  Democracy  of  the  North  hold,  at  least,  that  the 


STEPHEN   ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  119 

people  of  a  Territory  have  the  same  right  to  legislate 
in  respect  to  slavery,  as  to  all  other  property  ;  and  that, 
practically,  it  results  in  this  :  if  they  want  slavery,  they 
will  have  it ;  and  if  they  do  not  want  it,  it  shall  not  Le 
forced  upon  them  by  an  act  of  Congress.  The  Senator 
from  Mississippi  says  that  doctrine  is  right,  unless  we 
pass  an  act  of  Congress  compelling  the  people  of  a  Ter- 
ritory to  have  slavery,  wiiether  they  want  it  or  not. 
The  point  he  wishes  to  arrive  at  is,  whether  we  are  for 
or  against  congressional  intervention.  If  you  repudiate 
the  doctrine  of  non-intervention,  and  form  a  slave  code 
by  act  of  Congress,  when  the  people  of  a  Territory  re- 
fuse it,  you  must  step  off  the  Democratic  platform.  "We 
will  let  you  depart  in  peace,  as  you  no  longer  belong 
to  us ;  3''ou  are  no  longer  of  us  when  you  adopt  the 
principle  of  congressional  intervention,  in  violation  of 
the  Democratic  creed.  I  stand  here  defending  the 
great  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress,  and 
self-government  by  the  people  of  the  Territories.  That 
is  the  Democratic  creed.  The  Democracy  in  the  North- 
ern States  have  so  understood  it.  No  Northern  Demo- 
cratic State  ever  would  have  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan, 
but  for  the  fact  that  he  was  understood  to  occupy  that 
position." 

On  the  question  of  the  African  slave  trade,  Mr.  Dou- 
glas has  expressed  himself  very  fully  and  explicitly.  In 
a  letter  to  Col.  John  L.  Peyton,  of  Staunton,  Yirginia, 
dated  August  2,  1859,  he  says : 

"  That  question  seriously  disturbed  the  harmony  of 
of  the  Convention  that  ramed  the  Federal  Constitution. 
Upon  it  the  delegates  divided  into  two  parties,  under  ^ 
circumstances  which  for  a  time  rendered  harmonious 


120  STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

action  hopeless.  The  one  demanded  the  instant  and 
unconditional  prohibition  of  the  African  Slave-trade, 
on  moral  and  religious  grounds  ;  while  the  other  insisted 
that  it  was  a  legitimate  commerce,  involving  no  other 
consideration  than  a  sound  public  policy,  which  each 
State  ought  to  be  permitted  to  determine  for  itself  so 
long  as  it  was  sanctioned  by  its  own  laws.  Each  party 
stood  firmly  and  resolutely  by  its  own  position,  until 
both  became  convinced  that  this  vexed  question  would 
break  up  the  Convention,  destroy  the  Federal  Union, 
blot  out  the  glories  of  the  Revolution,  and  throw  away 
all  its  blessings,  unless  some  fair  and  just  comj)romise 
could  be  formed  on  the  common  ground  of  such  mutual 
concessions  as  were  indisjoensable  to  the  preservation  of 
their  liberties,  imion  and  independence. 

"  Such  a  compromise  was  effected,  and  incorporated 
into  the  constitution,  by  which  it  was  understood  that 
the  African  Slave-trade  might  continue  as  a  legitimate 
commerce  in  those  States  whose  laws  sanctioned  it  until 
the  year  1808 — from  and  after  which  time  Congress 
might  and  would  prohibit  it  forever  throughout  the 
dominion  and  limits  of  the  United  States,  and  pass  all 
laws  which  might  become  necessary  to  make  such  pro- 
hibition effectual.  Tlie  harmony  of  the  Convention  was 
restored,  and  the  Union  saved,  by  this  compromise, 
without  which  the  Constitution  could  never  have  been 
made. 

"  I  stand  firmly  by  this  compromise,  and  by  all  other 
compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  shall  use  my  best 
efforts  to  carry  each  and  all  of  them  into  faithful  execu« 
tion  in  the  sense  and  with  the  understanding  in  which 
they  were  originally  adopted.     In  accordance  with  this 


STEPHEN   ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  121 

compromise,  I  am  irreconcilably  opposed  to  the  revival 
of  the  African  Slave-trade  in  any  form  and  under  any 
circumstances." 

Within  the  past  year,  Mr.  Douglas  received  many 
letters  from  personal  friends,  soliciting  the  use  of  his 
name  as  the  Candidate  for  the  Presidency  before  the 
Chai'leston  Convention,  to  one  of  which  he  replied : 

"  Washington,  Wednesday,  Jime  22, 1859. 

"My  Dear  Sir  :  I  have  received  your  letter,  inquiring 
whether  my  friends  are  at  liberty  to  present  my  name 
in  the  Charleston  Convention  for  the  Presidential  nomi- 
nation. 

"  Before  the  question  can  be  finally  determined,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  understand  distinctly  upon  what  issue 
the  canvass  is  to  be  conducted.  If,  as  I  have  full  faith 
they  will,  the  Democratic  party  shall  determine,  in  the 
Presidential  election  of  1860,  to  adhere  to  the  principles 
embodied  in  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1 850,  and 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  Presidential  election  ol 
1852,  and  re-affirmed  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  of 
1854,  and  incorporated  into  the  Cincinnati  platform  in 
1856,  as  expounded  by  Mr.  Buchanan  in  his  letter  ac- 
cepting the  nomination,  and  approved  by  the  people — 
in  that  event,  my  friends  will  be  at  liberty  to  present 
my  name  to  the  Convention,  if  they  see  proper  to  do  so. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  it  shall  become  the  policy  of  the 
Democratic  party — which  I  cannot  anticipate — to  repu- 
diate these,  their  time-honored  principles,  on  which  we 
have  achieved  so  many  patriotic  triumphs ;  and  if,  in 
lieu  of  them,  the  Convention  shall  interpolate  into  the 

creed  of  the  party  such  new  issues  as  the  revival  of  the 
6 


122  STEPHEN   ARNOLD   DOUGLAS. 

African  Slave-trade,  or  a  congressional  slave  code  for 
the  territories,  or  tlie  doctrine  that  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  either  establishes  or  prohibits  slavery 
in  the  territories,  beyond  the  power  of  the  people  legally 
to  control  it  as  other  property,  it  is  due  to  candor  to 
say  that,  in  such  an  event,  I  could  not  accept  the  nomi- 
nation if  tendered  to  me.  Trusting  that  this  answer  will 
be  deemed  sufficiently  explicit, 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  friend, 

"S.  A.  Douglas. 
"  To  J.  B.  Dorr,  Esq.,  Dubuque,  Iowa." 

The  history  of  Mr.  Douglas's  nomination  at  Baltimore, 
on  a  platform  with  the  views  expressed  above  as  a  basis, 
is  before  the  world. 

January  16,  1850,  he  submitted  the  following  resolu- 
tion to  the  consideration  of  the  South  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  be  in- 
structed to  report  a  bill  for  the  protection  of  each  State  and 
Territory  of  the  Union  against  invasion  by  the  authorities  or 
inhabitants  of  any  other  State  or  Territory,  and  for  the  sup- 
pression and  punishment  of  conspiracies  or  combinations  in 
any  State  or  Territory  with  intent  to  invade,  assail  or  molest 
the  government,  inhabitants,  property,  or  institutions  of  any 
other  State  or  Territory  of  the  Union." 

This  resolution  was  intended  as  the  ground-work  for 
the  introduction  and  passage  of  a  law  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  such  outrages  as  John  Brown  and  his  as- 
sociates committed  at  Harper's  Ferry.  January  22, 
Mr.  Douglas  made  a  powerful  speech  in  favor  of  the 
resolution,  in  the  course  of  which,  he  used  this  expres- 
sive language : 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  123 

"  Can  any  man  say  to  us  that,  although  this  outrage 
has  been  perpetrated  at  Harper's  Ferry,  there  is  no 
danger  of  its  recurrence  ?  Sir,  is  not  the  Republican 
party  still  embodied,  organized,  sanguine,  confident  of 
success,  and  defiant  in  its  pretensions  ?  Does  it  not  now 
hold  and  proclaim  the  same  creed  that  it  did  before 
this  invasion?  It  is  true  that  most  ot'its  representatives 
here  disavow  the  acts  of  John  Brown  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  I  am  glad  that  they  do  so  ;  I  am  rejoiced  that 
they  have  gone  thus  far ;  but  I  must  be  permitted 
to  say  to  them,  that  it  is  not  sufiicient  that  they  disavow 
the  act,  unless  they  also  repudiate  and  denounce  the 
doctrines  and  teachings  which  produced  the  act.  Those 
doctrines  remain  the  same  ;  those  teachings  are  being 
poured  into  the  minds  of  men  throughout  the  countiy, 
by  means  of  speeches,  and  pamphlets,  and  books,  and 
through  partisan  presses.  The  causes  that  produced 
the  Harper's  Ferry  invasion  are  now  in  active  opera- 
tion. Is  it  true  that  the  people  of  all  the  border  States 
are  required  by  the  Constitution  to  have  their  hands 
tied,  without  the  power  of  self-defence,  and  remain  pa- 
tient under  a  threatened  invasion  in  the  day  or  in  the 
night?  Can  you  expect  people  to  be  patient,  when 
they  dare  not  lie  down  to  sleep  at  night  without  first 
stationing  sentinels  around  their  houses  to  see  if  a  band 
of  marauders  and  murderers  are  not  approaching  with 
torch  and  pistol?  Sir,  it  requires  more  patience  than 
freemen  ever  should  cultivate,  to  submit  to  constant 
annoyance,  irritation  and  apprehension.  If  we  expect 
to  preserve  this  Union,  we  must  remedy,  within  the 
Union,  and  in  obedience  to  the  Constitution,  every  evil 
for  wliich  disunion  would  furnish  a  remedy." 


* 


124  STEPHEN    AKNOLD    DOUGLAS. 

The  life,  speeches  and  votes  of  a  man  who  has  so  long 
and  so  industriously  labored  as  a  public  servant,  were 
they  all  gathered  together,  would  fill  many  volumes, 
and  this  slight  sketch  may  be  regarded  as  merely  an  in- 
dex to  what  some  enterprising  publisher  would  be 
warranted  in  placing  in  the  hands  of  the  public  as 
a  record  of  the  "  Life  and  Speeches  of  S.  A.  Douglas." 
Such  a  work,  compiled  and  arranged  with  care,  would 
form  a  treasury  of  political  history  of  rare  value. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Douglas  at  Baltimore  was 
greeted  with  the  most  enthusiastic  demonstrations  of 
delight  on  the  part  of  his  friends  ;  and  ratifying  meet- 
ings have  been  held  in  the  principal  cities  and  towns 
throughout  the  country,  in  favor  of  Douglas  and 
Johnson. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  ratification  meeting  at 
Philadelphia,  June  30th,  Judge  Douglas  received  the 
honor  of  a  serenade,  and  after  acknowledging  the 
compliment,  he  expressed  himself  as  follows  : 

"  I  have  no  political  speeches  to  make  daring  the 
pending  canvass.  If  my  political  opinions  are  not 
known  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  it  is  not 
worth  while  for  me  to  attempt  to  explain  them  now. 
It  now  remains  for  the  people  to  take  the  matter  into 
their  own  hands,  to  make  such  decision  of  the  great 
issue  before  the  country  as  will  preserve  the  Constitu- 
tion inviolate,  as  the  surest  and  only  method  of  perpet- 
uating this  glorious  Union.  Pennsylvania  has  a 
mighty  interest  in  the  preservation  of  the  republic. 
She,  from  her  geographical  position,  is  bound  to 
remain  as  she  began — the  keystone  of  the  federal  arch. 
Pennsylvania  has  the  elements  of  an  empire  within 


STEPHEN    AKNULD    DOUGLAS.  125 

lier  own  limits — all  tlie  elements  of  greatness,  whether 
yon  look  at  her  natural,  her  commercial,  her  manufac- 
tures, at  the  raw  material,  the  mineral  wealth — every- 
thing which  contributes  to  make  a  great  country  is  to 
be  found  within  the  limits  of  the  Keystone  State. 
And,  in  my  opinion,  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  can  be  better  employed  in  developing  the  great 
material  resources  of  the  country,  than  in  wasting  time 
by  forcing  slavery  or  anti-slavery  upon  the  people. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  conferred 
upon  the  federal  government  certain  powers  and  duties 
which  they  ought  to  perform.  Let  that  federal  gov- 
ernment be  confined  strictly  within  the  narrow  sphere 
of  federal  duties,  leaving  the  people  of  the  States  and 
Territories  free  to  govern  themselves  without  any  dic- 
tation from  federal  officers.  My  friends,  I  said  I  had 
no  political  speeches  to  make,  and  I  will  not  permit 
the  temptation  of  this  vast  and  enthusiastic  assemblage, 
by  the  repeated  cheering  and  compliments,  to  make 
me  for  a  moment  violate  the  resolve." 

A  monster  ratification  meeting  of  the  friends  of 
Douglas  was  held  at  Tammany  Hall  on  the  evening  of 
July  2nd,  at  the  conclusion  of  which  it  was  resolved 
that  a  procession  of  electors,  headed  by  the  band, 
should  proceed  to  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  the  tempo- 
i-ary  residence  of  Mr.  Douglas,  to  serenade  him,  and 
liear  his  opinions  on  the  exciting  topics  of  the  day.  In 
acknowledgment  of  this  honor,  Mr.  Douglas  appeared, 
and  addressed  his  friends  as  follows  : 

"  Fellow  citizens :  I  return  to  you  my  most  sincere 
thanks  for  the  manifestation  of  your  good  feeling.  It  is 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD    DOUGLAS. 


gratifying  to  me  to  know  that  the  united  Democracy 
of  the  city  of  New  York  feel  the  importance  of  the 
great  contest  now  pending  before  the  American  people. 
There  is  no  place  on  the  American  continent  whose 
citizens  ought,  from  their  position,  to  be  so  enthusiastic 
in  favor  of  those  great  political  principles  which  should 
be  proclaimed  alike  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  as  in 
the  Empire  State  of  Kew  York,  While  every  other  State 
is  in  some  degree  local  in  its  character,  having  a  pecu- 
liar circle  for  its  own  trade,  !New  York  reaches  to  the 
furthermost  ends  of  the  continent,  and  across  the  whole 
world,wherever  her  flag  may  wave  over  American  soil 
and  over  American  ships.  The  whole  country  is  tlie 
theatre  of  your  commerce,  your  interest  and  your  influ- 
ence, and  you  ought  to  sympathize  with  the  people  of 
the  distant  portions  of  the  republic  as  with  those 
who  come  into  more  immediate  contact  with  you. 
Hence,  my  friends,  I  expect  to  find  the  democracy  of 
New  York  standing  a  unit  in  favor  of  those  great  political 
principles  which  recognize  the  rights  and  property 
of  the  citizens  of  every  State,  and  yet  leave  every  State 
perfectly  free  to  manage  its  own  afi'airs,  mind  its  own 
business,  and  which  leave  its  neighbors  alone.  My 
friends,  I  made  my  appearance  on  this  balcony  to-night 
for  the  purpose  of  acknowledging  the  compliment  you 
now  pay  me,  and  not  to  enter  into  political  discussion 
upon  any  of  the  political  topics  of  the  day.  It  is  the 
first  time  in  my  life  I  have  ever  been  placed  in  the 
position  to  look  on  and  see  a  fight  without  taking 
a  hand  in  it.  I  shall,  however,  feel  no  less  interest  in 
this  great  political  struggle,  for  I  believe  that  the  well- 
being  of  this  country  and  the  popularity  of  the  Union 


STEPHEN    ARNOLD   DOUGLAS.  127 

depend  upon  maintaining  intact  and  inviolate  those 
great  cardinal  principles  for  which  the  democratic  party 
now,  as  in  former  times,  are  pledged  by  that  platform 
and  organization.  I  renew  to  you  my  sincere  thanks 
for  your  kindness  upon  this  occasion."  (Loud  applause, 
during  which  Mr.  Douglas  retired  from  the  balcony.) 

Addresses  were  then  made  by  Messrs.  Doheny,  Mac- 
Sweeny  and  others,  but  the  audience  seemed  too  good- 
humored  to  listen  well,  and  preferred  to  visit  Mr. 
Douglas  in  the  parlor,  to  which  a  large  and  miscellane- 
ous crowd  accordingly  retired.  A  few  moments  were 
spent  in  this  mutual  interchange,  and  the  company 
separated. 

We  take  leave  of  this  great  man  in  the  midst  of  an 
exciting  political  campaign,  in  which  he  is  a  candidate 
for  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people.  If 
elected,  we  have  no  doubt  that  he  will  administer  the 
duties  of  that  office  with  credit  to  himself  and  honor  to 
his  country. 


HERSCHEL    V.    JOTINSC^N, 

OF   GEORGIA, 

CANDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEMuUIlATIC  PARTY, 

FOR    vrCK  PRKSinKXT. 


HEB80HEL   V.    JOHNSON.  131 


HERSCHEL    Y-     JOHNSOl^, 

OF   GEORGIA, 
'   CANDIDATE    FOR    THE     VICE-PRESIDENCY, 

Was  born  in  Burke  County,  Georgia,  September, 
1812.  His  parents  were  in  good  circurastances,  and 
young  Johnson  was  early  put  in  training  to  prepare 
his  mind  for  a  lirst-class  education.  At  school  he 
evinced  a  comprehensive  mind,  rare  intellectual  pow- 
ers, and  a  studious  disposition,  that  soon  enabled  him 
to  master  the  elementary  branches  of  his  course.  He 
entered  the  University  of  Georgia,  in  1830,  and  grad- 
uated in  course  in  1834,  with  distinguished  honor. 

Mr.  Johnson  adopted  the  profession  of  the  law,  in 
which  he  was  remarkably  successful,  and  soon  distin- 
guished himself  as  an  advocate.  Ready  and  oif- 
lianded  in  debate,  of  quick  perception,  apt  at  unravel- 
ing and  analysing  the  knotty  points  of  a  case, — a 
pleasant  speaker,  with  unlimited  command  of  language, 
affable  and  ceremonious,  he  is  just  the  man  to  carry  a 
jury  by  storm.  His  experience  has  exemplified  this  fact 
in  a  thousand  instances  ;  and  tliere  is  probably  not  so 
popular  a  lawyer  in  the  State  of  Georgia  to-day  as 
Hon.  Herschel  V.  Johnson. 

In  1844,  he  was  a  Presidential  elector  on  the  demo- 
cratic ticket ;  and  in  1847,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Governor  of  Georgia  to  represent  that  State  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  in  place  of  Mr.   Colquit,    who 


132  HERSCIIEL    T.    JOHNSON. 

liad  resifijiied.  While  a  Senator,  he  addressed  that 
body  in  a  speech  of  great  ability  and  eloquence,  on 
the  subject  of  the  formation  of  governments  for  the 
territories  of  JSTew  Mexico  and  California ;  and  as  we 
are  informed  he  still  holds  the  same  views  on  the  gen- 
eral principles  therein  embraced,  we  cannot  better 
define  his  position  than  by  re-producing  the  following 
extract  from  the  concluding  portion  of  his  speech  : 

"  Sir,  it  is  time  this  warfare  against  the  South  had 
ceased.  It  has  been  kept  up  long  enough.  The  Union 
was  formed  for  the  general  good,  for  defence  against 
foreign  invasion,  and  to  secure  domestic  tranquility. 
The  southern  States  came  into  it  in  good  faith.  When 
the  Constitution  was  adopted,  slavery  existed  in  nearly 
all  the  States ;  and  the  great  object  of  its  framers  was, 
not  to  consider  how  it  might  ultimately  be  abolished, 
but  to  throw  around  it  the  most  ample  guarantees. 
This  Union  never  could  have  been  formed  upon  any 
other  basis  than  that  of  the  most  absolute  equality 
between  the  States.  The  slave  States  never  would 
have  entered  into  the  compact  upon  any  other  condi- 
tion. They  never  would  have  agreed  to  it  if  they 
could  have  even  anticipated  that  a  methodical  and 
organized  attack  would  have  been  made  by  Congress 
upon  their  domestic  institutions.  Sir,  it  is  all  in  viola- 
tion of  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  Constitution.  It  is 
at  war  with  everything  like  good  faith  and  political 
fraternity.  It  must  cease  or  the  Union  will  be 
destroyed  ;  it  cannot  withstand  an  agitation  so  vital,  so 
fundamental.  It  affects  the  very  foundation  of  the 
Government,  and  if  continued  will  lay  the  glorious 
fabric  in  ruins. 


HEE80HEL    V.    JOHNSON.  133 

"It  has  been  intimated  during  this  debate  that  the 
South  would  finally  submit  to  the  aggressions  of  the 
North.  Let  not  gentlemen  deceive  themselves.  Tlie 
people  of  the  Sonth  will  endure  evils  while  evils  are 
tolerable.  Bat  there  is  a  point  beyond  which  forbear- 
ance ceases  to  be  a  virtue,  and  at  which  patience 
waxes  into  desperation.  Sir,  what  mean  the  resolu- 
tions of  State  Legislatures  which  have  been  piled  in 
rapid  succession  upon  your  table  during  the  present 
session  of  Congress  ?  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Florida  have  all  spoken  a  language  not 
to  be  misunderstood  ;  and  if  the  Legislatures  of  the 
other  Southern  States  had  been  in  session,  they 
would  have  uttered  similar  sentiments.  Is  it  supposed 
that  the  people  of  the  South  are  dasta,rdly;  that  tliey 
are  not  serious  in  their  public  resolves  ;  and  that  they 
have  so  far  degenerated  from  the  chivalry  of  their 
ancestry  as  to  pass  complacently  under  the  iron  yoke 
of  northern  agression  ?  Let  not  gentlemen  deceive 
themselves.  The  South  have  too  much  at  stake. 
Their  domestic  peace,  their  property,  their  honor,  their 
all,  are  involved  in  the  contest.  ISTot  less  than  ten 
hundred  millions  in  value  of  their  slave  })roperty  are 
jeoparded  by  this  spirit  of  fanaticism  and  agression. 
Does  the  history  of  the  world  furnish  a  single  instance 
of  a  people  so  craven-hearted  as  to  submit  to  the 
unresisted  hazard  of  the  security  and  safety  of  so  vast 
an  amount  of  property?  Sir,  I  am  authorized  to  utter 
no  word  of  menace  on  this  floor.  But  I  ask  gentle- 
men to  study  well  the  value  of  the  interests  involved, 
and  the  lofty  elements  of  southern  character,  before 
they  mature  the  opinion  that  the  southern   States   will 


134  BERSCHEL    Y.    .TOHNSON. 

tamely  submit  to  insult,  degradation  and  plunder  under 
the  forms  of  legislation. 

"  The  Senator  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  Dayton] 
admitted  the  possibility  that  the  South  might  secede — 
that  she  might  retire  with  chagrin,  like  Achilles  to  his 
tent ;  but  that  ere  long  she  would  find  something  knock- 
ing at  the  door  of  her  mighty  heart,  and  she  would 
return  again.  I  trust,  sir,  that  the  South  may  never 
have  sufl&cient  cause  to  assume  the  attitude  of  secession 
from  this  glorious  Uuion.  But  if  she  should,  the  gen- 
tleman's illustration  would  be  as  false  as  it  is  beauti- 
fully classic.  Why  should  the  South  return  again,  if 
driven  from  the  Union  by  its  injustice  and  oppression  ? 
i  cannot  imagine,  unless  it  would  be  to  enjoy  the  dis- 
tinguished entree  into  good  society,  which  is  kindly 
extended  to  southern  gentleman  at  the  ISTorth,  notwith- 
standing they  are  slaveholders.  From  my  very  heart  I 
thank  our  northern  friends  for  their  condescending  hos- 
pitality, which  has  been  so  vividly  portrayed  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  Jersey.  But  I  confess  I  should  be  much 
more  thankful  if  our  northern  benefactors  would  be 
less  hospitable  to  our  fugitive  slaves.  If,  however,  it 
be  true  that  the  South  would  retui-n,  is  it  wise,  is  it 
patriotic,  by  a  course  of  unnecessary  and  unconstitu- 
tional legislation  to  force  the  experiment  ?  Is  it  not 
the  part  of  elevated  and  enlightened  statesmanship  to 
pause  ere  you  have  reached  the  verge  which  overlooks 
so  fearful  a  precipice  ? 

"  In  maintaining  the  position  which  I  do,  I  disavow 
any  intention  to  produce  sectional  prejudices,  or  to 
foment  local  agitation.  I  deprecate  the  formation  of 
geographical   parties.      I  feel  that  every  inch  of  soil 


HERiCHEL    V.    JOHNSON.  135 

which  is  Bheltered  by  our  stars  and  stripes  is  a  part  of 
my  home,  and  a  part  of  my  inheritance.  All  I  mean 
to  say  is,  that  if  the  Union,  instead  of  a  shield  to  pro- 
tect, is  converted  into  a  weapon  to  wound,  there  is  a 
settled  determination  among  the  people  of  the  South 
to  vindicate  themselves,  their  rights  of  property,  and 
domestic  altars.  I,  for  one,  am  prepared  to  share  their 
fate.  We  claim  nothing  at  the  hands  of  Congress  but 
non-interference.  We  do  not  ask  you  to  extend  slav- 
ery ;  we  say  you  must  not  prohibit  it.  We  say  that 
New  Mexico  and  California  are  the  common  property 
of  the  States,  and  that  we  have  the  same  right  to  carry 
our  slaves  there  which  the  New  England  man  has  to 
carry  his  spindles  or  his  looms.  In  this  position,  the 
South  feels  that  she  is  sustained  by  the  Constitution, 
and  there  she  intends  to  stand. 

"  In  speaking  thus,  the  South  does  not  desire  to  be 
considered  as  using  the  language  of  menace.  That 
would  be  unworthy  of  herself,  and  incompatible  with 
her  elevated  sentiment  of  conscious  rectitude.  It  would 
be  unjust  to  the  North,  because  it  would  imply  that 
she  could  be  moved  by  intimidation.  What  the  South 
means  is  this :  Having  entered  the  Union  in  good  faith, 
she  will  abide  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution ; 
and  she  expects  the  North  to  do  likewise.  But  if  this 
cannot  be  so ;  if,  having  the  numerical  majority,  the 
North  will  trample  on  our  rights,  outrage  our  feelings 
and  disregard  our  political  equality  as  confederates,  we 
cannot  be  held  to  abide  the  violated  bond.  We  say 
so  in  advance,  not  to  intimidate,  but  to  arouse  the 
patriotism  of  the  North,  their  love  of  the  Union,  and 
their  regard  for  justice,  to  the  end  that  they  may  vol- 


136  HEK?CHEL    V.    JOHNSON. 

untarily  pause  ere  tliey  provoke  consequences  to  be 
dej)lored  by  eveiy  lover  of  liberty  and  every  friend  of 
good  government. 

"  The  South  is  devoted  to  the  Union.  She  vener- 
ates its  institutions.  She  glories  in  the  recollection  of 
the  brilliant  deeds  of  its  founders.  But  the  Union  of 
her  affections  is  that  which  was  formed  by  the  Consti- 
tution, '  to  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility^ 
'  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general 
'  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty.'  If, 
through  the  blindness  of  fanaticism  or  the  folly  of 
unwarranted  legislation,  it  become  subversive  of  these 
ends,  and  be  transformed  into  an  engine  to  oppress 
the  South,  it  will  cease  to  be  an  object  of  love  and 
pride,  and  will  forfeit  all  title  to  her  allegiance.  Bur, 
if  the  spirit  that  animated  the  fathers  of  the  Eepublic 
can  be  revived  ;  if  the  spirit  of  justice,  conciliation  and 
fraternity,  which  presided  over  their  deliberations 
could  be  infused  into  the  bosoms  of  their  descendants  ; 
if,  under  the  inspiration  of  such  a  spirit,  our  northern 
friends  would  approach  the  Constitution,  and,  on  its 
consecrated  altar,  sacrifice  all  but  pure  and  elevated 
patriotism;  if  they  would  deal  jnstly  with  the  South, 
and  exhibit  towards  her  sentiments  of  liberality  and 
kindness,  this  Union  would  be  as  permanent  as  the 
eternal  hills  ;  and  the  sons  of  the  sunny  clime  from 
whence  I  come,  glorying  in  our  "  star-spangled  ban- 
ner," would  coin  their  hearts,  if  need  be,  into  ducats, 
and  pour  them  into  the  public  lap,  to  vindicate  the 
national  honor." 

In  1849,  Mr.  Johnson'  was   elected  Juq^e  of  the 
Superior  Court,  of  Georgia,  and  held  the   office  until 


HEBSCHEL    V.    JOHNSON.  137 

1853.  He  was  then  elected  Governor  of  his  State, 
which  office  he  held  for  two  years.  Since  the  termi- 
nation of  his  gubernatorial  duties,  he  has  been  actively 
engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession. 

Mr.  Johnson's  views  of  public  policy  appear  to 
coincide  with  the  sentiments  of  the  conservative  portion 
of  his  party ;  and  the  extract  from  his  speech  above 
presented,  provided  he  really  entertains  the  same 
views  now,  proves  him  unquestionably  sound  on  the 
main  plank  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  that  placed 
him  in  nomination  on  the  ticket  with  Mr.  Douglas. 


JOHN  C    BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF  KBNTUCKT, 

CANDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY, 

FOR   PRESIDENT. 


JOHN   C.    BRECKINRIDGE.  141 


JOHN  C.  BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF  KENTUCKY, 
CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY, 

Was  born  near  Lexington,  Kentucky,  January  16tli, 
1821.  His  facilities  for  acquiring  an  education  were 
of  the  most  favorable  character,  and  he  early  took 
advantage  of  them.  Immediately  on  the  completion 
of  his  preparatory  course,  he  entered  Centre  College, 
and  continued  his  studies  with  vigorous  assiduity 
during  the  term.  It  was  here  that  surprising  popu- 
larity commenced  that  has  since  paved  the  way  to  the 
highest  honors  and  the  most  exalted  social  position. 
Young  Breckiij]-idge  was  a  ready,  fluent  debater, — an 
eloquent  and  impressive  orator, — a  liberal  minded, 
jovial  companion,  sanguine,  urbane  and  chivalrous ; 
and  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  was  the  favorite  of  his 
class,  and  the  pride  of  his  school-fellows.  He  gradu- 
ated with  honor,  and  after  going  through  the  requisite 
law-studies  at  Transylvania  Institute,  was  admitted  to 
practice  at  Lexington. 

Soon  after  his  admission  to  the  bar,  he  emigrated 
to  the  Northwest,  with  a  view  of  finding  a  more  exten- 
sive field  for  his  labors,  and  located  at  Burlington, 
Iowa.  After  remaining  there  nearly  two  years,  he 
found  the  country  did  not  meet  his  expectations,  nor 
the  climate  agree  with  his  physical  health  ;  he  there- 
fore returned  to  his  native  State,  and  took   up   bis 


142  JOHN   C.    BUECKINKIDGE. 

abode  at  Lexington,  where  he  still  resides.  He  entered 
immediately  on  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  met 
with  flattering  success. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Mexican  War,  the 
military  ardor  of  the  young  Kentnckian  was  excited, 
and  the  result  was  creditable  service  as  a  Major  of 
Infantry  during  the  campaign.  He  was  in  several 
engagements,  and  on  every  occasion  reflected  addi- 
tional honor  on  his  native  State.  He  also  distinguished 
himself  as  counsel  for  Major  General  Pillow  in  the 
court-martial  of  that  oflicer. 

On  the  return  of  Major  Breckinridge  from  Mexico, 
he  was  elected  to  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  where  his 
career  was  noted  by  more  than  ordinary  legislative 
abilit}^  good  sense  and  brilliant  elocution  •,  and  made 
so  favorable  an  impression  on  his  constituency  that  he 
was  elected  to  Congress  in  1850  from  the  Ashland 
District;  and  in  1851,  at  the  age  of  thirty,  John  C. 
Breckinridge  took  liis  seat  in  the  House.  In  1852  he 
was  re-elected,  and  held  his  seat  till  1855. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  name  of  Mr.  Breckinridge 
w^as  in  the  mouths  of  all  reading  people.  It  is  not  so 
far  back  but  that  his  difi'erence  with  the  "  Democratic 
Review"  is  familiar  to  all  the  readers  of  that  publica- 
tion ;  but  the  high  station  attained  by  Mr.  Breckiniidge 
since,  makes  it  necessary  to  record,  as  matter  of  history, 
the  circumstances  and  occasion  which  gave  him  his 
first  prominence. 

The  Democratic  Review  for  January,  1852,  gave 
some  people  a  "  back-set"  that  they  were  not  looking 
for.  It  came  out  bristling  and  raving  furiously,  in  a 
paroxysm  of  revelations,  discoveries  and  predictions. 


JOBN    C.    BRECKINRIDGE.  143 

Politicians  of  the  old  school  stood  aghast,  wondering  at 
its  temerity,  and  scandalized  at  its  heretical  teachings. 
Canvassing  the  question  of  the  Presidency,  so  soon  to 
come  up,  the  Review  said  that,  wliile  the  fathers  of  the 
Republic  personally  lived,  it  was  an  easy  task  to  select 
the  candidate  most  worthy  of  success  and  most  certain 
of  attaining  it ;  but  now  it  was  vastly  difi'erent.  Look- 
ing at  the  defeat  of  the  Democracy  in  1848,  after  the 
brilliant  administration  of  President  Polk,  it  beheved 
that  "if  it  were  impossible  for  the  old  politicians,  the 
surviving  lieutenants  of  the  days  of  Jackson,  to 
agree,  in  1848,  on  the  election  of  a  cautlidate,  it  was 
ten  times  more  impossible  for  them  to  agree  on  the 
nomination  of  any  one  of  themselves  as  a  successful 
candidate"  in  1852.  Nor  would  it  be  well  if  they 
could  agree,  thought  the  Review,  for  they  had  had 
"  the  control  of  the  destinies  of  the  country  and  the 
party,  but,  by  lack  of  statesmanship,  lack  of  temper, 
lack  of  discretion,  and,  most  of  all,  by  lack  of  progress, 
they  brought  into  our  ranks  discord  and  dissension ; 
and  the  party  they  received  united,  strong,  and  far  in 
advance,  they  left  a  wreck — a  mutinous  wreck — strug- 
gling in  the  slough  of  questions  settled  by  the  federal 
compact  of-  the  United  States."  To  meet  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  times,  and  insure  the  success  of  Democracy, 
the  Review  announced  and  advocated  a  new  generation 
of  statesmen,  untrammelled  with  the  dogmas  of  an  ante- 
rior era — men  who  would  bring  not  only  young  blood, 
but  young  ideas,  to  the  counsels  of  the  Republic, 

Mr.  Breckinridge  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  progress, 
liked  young  blood  and  young  ideas,  but  objected  very 
Btrongly  to  the  com-se  of  the  Review.     It  had  been 


144  JOHN   C.    BRECKINRIDGE. 

most  extensively  circulated ;  indeed,  no  Review  in 
America,  before  or  since,  ever  created  any  sucli  sensa- 
tion as  the  Democratic  did  in  1852.  "  Politicians  were 
in  a  nervous  fever  in  the  breathing-time  from  month  to 
month,  between  congratulating  themselves  on  not  hav- 
ing been  noticed  in  the  last  niunber,  and  fear  of  being 
sacrificed  in  the  next.  The  newspapers  were  eager  to 
get  an  early  copy,  to  extend  the  obituary  of  some 
decapitated  '  Fogy,'  or  contradict  the  rumor  that  the 
Democratic  Review  had  killed  him.  Being  always  in 
a  rage  itself,  the  Review  soon  created  a  like  feeling  in 
the  public  ;  it  became  the  rage.  Comic  papers  carica- 
tured its  writers,  and  revivified  its  victims  into  ludi- 
crous notoriety ;  comic  versifiers  squibbed  on  its  sug- 
gestions ;  leading  journals,  all  over  the  country,  poured 
out  praise  and  denudation  with  equal  heartiness ;  and 
the  wise  heads  of  Congress  even  took  to  criticising  and 
debating  on  its  merits  and  men."*  The  articles  in 
question  were  generally  considered  an  attack  on  almost 
every  man  in  the  Democratic  party  whose  name  had 
been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Presidency, 
and  therefore  Mr.  Breckinridge  felt  bound  to  notice 
them  in  the  House.  The  Review  for  February  fol- 
lowed up  the  denunciatory  promises  and  views  of  the 
January  issue,  and  gave  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky 
still  further  grounds  of  objection,  especially  as  General 
Butler,  of  Kentucky,  had  been  described  by  name  as 
an  "  old  fogy."  The  Review  did  not  appreciate  tlie 
words  of  Milton — 

"  'Tis  old  experience  doth  attain 
To  something  like  prophetic  strain ;" 

*  Memoir  of  Thomas  Devin  Reilly,  by  John  Savage,  in  "  '98  and  '48,"  p.  878. 


JOHN    U.    BKEOKINUIDGE.  145 

and  "  old  experience"  was  utterly  ignored  in  the  pages 
of  the  "  Democratic." 

In  March,  Mr.  Breckinridge  boldly  and  unsparingly 
reviewed  the  reviewer,  and  denounced  the  publication 
and  its  conductors,  as  attempting  to  promote  the  inter- 
ests of  a  cabal,  by  traducing  the  most  honored  names 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy.  It  was  conceived  by 
some  prominent  men  and  journals,  that  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge's speech  was  an  indirect  attack  on  Judge  Douglas, 
he  being  the  only  prominent  man  of  the  party  not 
assailed  by  the  Review ;  and  it  was  also  rather  implied 
that  the  Review  was  the  organ  of  the  Illinois  Senator, 
and  that  it  was  for  this  reason  he  was  exempted  from 
denunciation  in  its  pages.  Mr,  Richardson,  a  member 
of  the  House  from  Illinois,  authoritatively  denied  that 
Douglas  had  any  connection  with  the  publication  ;  and 
Mr.  Marshall,  of  California,  made  a  vigorous  reply  to 
the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  in  defence  of  the  Re- 
view— "  a  periodical  in  which  he  felt  no  special  inter- 
est, except  so  far  as  it  was  ably  edited." 

The  Review  continued  its  strictures,  and  dealt  heavy 
blows  right  and  left.  In  view  of  the  debate  in  Con- 
gress, it  placed  Messrs.  Marshall  and  Breckinridge  on 
record  in  its  pages — the  former  in  a  very  fine  steel- 
plate  portrait,  and  the  latter  in  an  elaborate,  but  tanta- 
lizing, review  of  his  speech.  It  was  an  interesting  con- 
test, and  displayed  intellectual  powers  of  no  ordinary 
grade.  The  newspapers  of  the  day,  taking  up  the  de- 
bate in  Congress,  and  reviewing  the  Review,  bestowed 
upon  Mr.  Breckinridge  a  large  share  of  notice  in  the 
discussion  of  the  affair. 

Introducing,  on  the  30th  of  June,  1852,  the  resolu- 


146  JOHN    C.    BKECKINKinCIE. 

tions  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Henry  Clay,  who  had 
died  tlie  day  previous,  Mr.  Breckinridge  laid  the  full- 
ness of  his  young  heart  on  the  grave  of  the  great 
statesman,  in  whom  "  intellect,  person,  eloquence,  and 
courage  united  to  form  a  character  iit  to  command." 
Standing  by  that  grave,  and  with  the  solemn  memories 
of  the  great  dead  about  him,  "  the  mere  legerdemain 
of  politics"  appeared  contemptible.  What  a  reproach 
was  Clay's  life  on  the  false  policy  that  would  trifle 
with  the  interests  of  a  gi-eat,  intelligent,  and  upright 
people  !  "  Were  I  to  write  his  epitaph,"  said  Breckin- 
ridge, "  I  would  inscribe  as  the  highest  eulogy,  on  the 
stone  which  shall  mark  his  resting-place :  Here  lies  a 
man  who  was  in  the  public  service  for  fifty  years,  and 
never  attempted  to  deceive  his  countrymen,"  The  man 
who  could  so  fully  appreciate  the  character  of  Henry 
Clay,  let  his  political  views  be  what  they  may,  is 
deserving  the  regard  of  his  countrymen. 

In  the  Thirty-Second  Congress,  Mr.  Breckinridge  was 
instrumental  in  securing  an  appropriation  for  the  com- 
pletion of  a  cemetery  near  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  which 
the  remains  of  the  American  officers  and  soldiers  who 
fell  in  battle  or  otherwise  in  or  near  the  city  of  Mexico, 
should  be  interred.  He  also  favored  an  approjDriation 
for  a  weekly  mail  to  the  Pacific,  and  took  a  high 
and  dignified  position  on  all  questions  then  agitating 
the  country. 

March  16th,  1852,  Mi-.  Giddings,  in  the  com-se  of  a 
speech  on  the  compromise  measm-es  and  fugitive  slave 
law,  denied  that  the  federal  government  had  power  to 
pass  laws  by  which  "  to  compel  our  officers  and  people 
to  seize  and  carry  back  fugitive  slaves."     He  was  defi- 


JOHN    C.    BKECKINKIDGE.  147 

ant,  bitter  and  denimciatoiy,  and  created  great  excite- 
ment in  the  House.  Mr.  Breckinridge  adroitly  led  him 
into  an  enunciation  of  his  most  extreme  doctrines,  and 
then  said,  "  Against  the  important  raving-s  of  his 
baffled  fanaticism  I  place  the  plain  words  of  the  Con- 
stitution. To  his  coarse  and  offensive  language  I  have 
QO  rejilj." 

He  is  oftentimes  sharp,  effective,  and  intensely  cut- 
ting in  his  retorts  ;  but  his  tone  and  bearing  is  always 
that  of  a  gentleman  in  whom  the  quickest  sense  of  the 
ridiculous  is  constantly  tempered  by  good  nature  and 
good  breeding.  Toward  the  close  of  the  discussion  re- 
garding the  Democratic  Review,  Mr.  Carttier  asked 
him  some  insignificant  question  about  that  periodical, 
when  Mr.  Breckinridge  retorted,  "  I  did  not  suppose  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  would  omit  a  favorable  opportu- 
nity to  ring  himself  into  the  debate,  and  say  something 
which  might  go  upon  the  record."  This  turned  the 
laughter  of  the  House  on  the  gentleman  from  Ohio, 
who  did  not  seem  desirous  to  press  his  inquiry  further. 

With  the  debate  on  the  Nebraska  bill,  in  March, 
1854,  Mr.  Breckinridge's  name  is  intimately  connected. 
It  was  during  this  discussion  that  his  difficulty  with 
Mr.  Cutting,  of  ISTew  York,  occurred,  and  which,  it  was 
greatly  feared  at  the  time,  woiild  lead  to  a  disastrous 
result.  March  21st,  Mr.  Richardson,  of  Illinois,  desir- 
ing to  reach  the  Nebraska  bill,  previously  reported  by 
liim,  moved  the  House  to  go  into  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  ;  but  after  considera- 
ble discussion,  the  motion  was  lost.  Having  proceeded 
with  tlie  business  on  the  Speaker's  table,  several  bills 
of  minor  importance  were  taken  up  and  referred,  and 


148  JOHN    C.    BKECKINBIDGE. 

the  Nebraska  bill  reached  by  title.  A  great  deal  of 
feeling  was  manifested,  and  all  seemed  to  regard  this 
as  a  crisis. 

Mr.  Cutting  and  Mr.  Richardson  rose  together,  'i  lie 
former  moved  to  refer  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union  ;  and  the  latter  moved  to  re- 
fer to  the  Committee  on  Territories.  The  member  from 
Illinois  was  recognized  by  the  speaker,  and  the  mem- 
ber from  New  York  raised  a  point  of  order.  Mr.  Rich- 
ardson said  his  purpose  was  to  amend  the  bill,  and  that 
Cutting's  course  was  designed  to  kill  it.  However,  Mr. 
Cutting  persisted  in  his  motion,  and  supported  it  by  a 
speech,  in  the  course  of  which  he  disclaimed  any  disre- 
spect to  Mr.  Richardson  as  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Territories,  and  stated  that  it  was  understood  that 
that  committee  had  already  discussed  and  elaborated 
the  subject.  He  was  opposed  to  putting  it  again 
through  the  circuitous  mode  of  referring  it  to  them,  and 
having  it  on  the  Speaker's  table  as  it  was  to-day.  The 
North  had  been  in  a  state  of  civil  insurrection  since  the 
introduction  of  the  bill ;  and  he  thought  it  was  time- 
not  for  parliamentary  tactics,  which  give  rise  to  suspi- 
cion, but  for  full,  frank,  and  manly  discussion.  He  was 
appealed  to  in  vain ;  and,  his  motion  passing,  he  fas- 
tened the  whole  thing  by  moving  to  reconsider,  and 
then  laying  the  motion  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  brought  up  the  points  com- 
prised in  the  Nebraska  bill  in  a  discussion  on  the  In- 
dian Appropriation  bill,  on  the  second  day  after  the 
events  detailed  above,  and  was  followed  by  Mr.  Hunt, 
of  Louisiana,  "  two  enemies  of  the  bill"  having  precipi- 
tated the  debate  on  the  House.     Mr.  Breckinridge  en- 


JOHN   C.    BRECKINRIDGE,  149 

tered  the  lists  in  a  memorable  speech,  in  which  he 
Btrongly  criticised  the  course  of  Mr.  Cutting,  and  made 
use  of  this  pointed  language ;  "  The  gentleman  may  be 
in  favor  of  the  bill,  hut  his  voice  is  that  of  an  enemy?'' 
He  warned  the  friends  of  the  measure  against  following 
the  gentleman  from  ISTew  York,  whose  course  would 
kill  it;  and  preferred  a  score  of  open  enemies  to  a  pro 
fessed  friend  who  struck  in  the  manner  he  did. 

A  few  days  after  the  delivery  of  this  speech,  Mr, 
Cutting  replied  at  great  length,  paying  especial  atten- 
tion to  the  imputations  thrown  out  by  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge; when  the  latter  retorting  in  a  brief,  but  slightly 
excoriating  address,  the  most  intense  excitement  pre- 
vailed, and  order  was  restored  with  great  difficulty. 
The  affair  was  carried  outside  of  the  House,  and  for 
some  days  the  public  mind  was  on  the  quivive  in  anti- 
cipation of  a  duel, — the  preparatory  steps  for  such  a 
settlement  having  been  taken.  March  31st,  Mr.  Pres- 
ton informed  the  House  that  Mr.  Cutting  had  left  the 
matter  in  the  hands  of  Col.  Monroe,  of  New  York,  and 
Gen.  Shields,  United  States  Senator  from  Illinois  ;  and 
Mr.  Breckinridge  had  referred  to  Col.  Hawkins,  of 
Kentucky,  and  himself,  (Mr.  P, ;)  and  he  was  author- 
ized to  state  that  a  settlement  had  been  effected  on 
terms  mutually  satisfactory  and  honorable  to  both  par- 
ties. On  the  part  of  both  gentlemen  he  also  offered  an 
apology  for  any  violation  of  the  rules  of  the  House, 
which  had  taken  place  in  the  excitement  of  debate. 

In  Mr,  Breckinridge's  speech  in  which  the  language 
was  used  that  proved  offensive  to  Mr.  Cutting,  he 
declared  himself  in  favor  of  non-intervention,  in  the 
most  emphatic  sense  of  that  word ;  and  said  he  would 


150  JOHN   0.    BRECKINRIDGE. 

not  vote  for  the  bill  if  it  proposed  to  legislate  slavery 
into  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  "The  right  to  establish," 
said  he,  "  involves  the  correlative  right  to  prohibit ;  and 
denying  both,  I  would  vote  for  neither.  I  go  further, 
and  express  the  opinion  that  a  clause  legislating  slavery 
into  those  territories  would  not  command  one  Southern 
vote  in  this  House."  Eeferring  to  the  restriction  of 
1820,  and  its  inconsistency  with  the  compromise  of 
1850,  he  said  the  effect  of  the  repeal  of  the  former  was 
"  neither  to  establish  nor  to  exclude,  but  to  leave  the 
future  condition  of  the  territories  wholly  dependent 
upon  the  action  of  the  inhabitants,  subject  only  to  such 
limitations  as  the  federal  Constitution  may  impose. 
"  Sir,"  said  he,  in  continuation,  "  I  care  nothing  about 
refined  distinctions  or  the  subtleties  of  verbal  criticism. 
I  repeat  the  broad  and  plain  proposition,  that  if  Con- 
gress may  intervene  on  this  subject,  it  may  intervene 
on  any  other ;  and  having  thus  surrendered  the  princi- 
ples, and  broken  away  from  Constitutional  limitations, 
you  are  driven  into  the  very  lap  of  arbitrary  power. 
By  this  doctrine  you  may  erect  a  despotism  under  the 
American  system.  The  whole  theory  is  a  libel  on  our 
institutions.  It  carries  us  back  to  the  abhorrent  princi- 
ples of  British  Colonial  authority,  against  which  we 
made  the  issue  of  Independence.  I  have  never  acqui- 
esced in  this  odious  claim,  and  will  not  believe  that  it 
can  abide  the  test  of  public  scrutiny." 

Mr.  Breckinridge  was  offered  the  mission  to  Spain 
by  President  Pierce ;  but  the  honor  was  respectfully 
declined,  not,  however,  because  it  was  not  appreciated, 
or  considered  unworthy  of  acceptance,  but  because 


JOBN   C.    BEECKINKIDGE.  151 

family  matters  compelled  Mr.  Breckinridge  to  remain 
at  home. 

He  was  a  delegate  to  the  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention, held  at  Cincinnati  in  June,  1856.  ^fter  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan  for  the  Presidency,  several 
names  were  offered  from  which  to  select  a  Candidate 
for  the  second  office, — among  others  that  of  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  proposed  by  the  Louisiana  delegation, 
through  General  Lewis.  Duly  acknowledging  this 
flattering  manifestation  of  confidence  and  esteem,  Mr. 
Breckinridge  begged  that  his  name  might  be  withdrawn. 
On  the  first  ballot,  however,  the  Yermont  delegation, 
through  Mr.  Smalley,  believing  that  no  democrat  has  a 
right  to  refuse  his  services  when  his  country  calls,  cast 
its  five  votes  for  Breckinridge.  Many  other  States  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  Yermont,  and,  of  the  total,  he 
received  fifty-one  votes,  second  on  the  list,  and  only 
eight  under  the  first,  who  was  the  distinguished  Gen- 
eral Quitman.  Main,  New  Hampshire  and  Yermont 
led  off  for  Breckinridge  on  the  second  ballot,  Massachu- 
setts followed  with  eleven  of  her  thirteen  votes ;  Rhode 
Island  followed  with  her  four;  and  the  New  York 
"  Softs"  gave  him  eighteen.  Delaware,  Maryland  and 
Yirginia  voting  in  the  same  way,  it  became  quite 
obvious  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the  body,  and  though 
several  of  the  remaining  States  voted  for  other  candi- 
dates, they  quickly,  one  by  one,  changed  their  votes, 
many  of  the  delegates  making  neat  and  appropriate 
speeches  in  announcing  the  change.  The  names  of 
the  other  candidates  were  withdrawn,  and  the  whole 
poll  went  for  John  C.  Breckinridge;  at  which  the 
Convention  rose  en   masse,  and  with  waving  of  hats 


152  JOHN    C.    BRECKINRIDGE. 

and  handkercliiefs  and  the  loudest  vocal  demonstra- 
tions, addressed  its  attention  to  tlie  tall  and  graceful 
delegate  from  Kentucky,  who  had  been  so  unexpectedly 
nominated  as  a  candidate  for  the  Yice-Presidency.  An 
eye-witness  describes  the  scene  as  grand  and  exciting 
in  the  extreme.  Here  were  assembled  the  sages 
and  Statesmen  of  a  great  political  party,  to  select  from 
their  number  two  men  distinguished  for  their  intellec- 
tual acquirements,  legislative  ability,  sagacity  and 
integrity,  to  fill  the  highest  elective  offices  of  a  great 
nation  ;  and  men  who  had  grown  grey  in  the  service 
of  the  party,  whose  fidelity  to  its  principles  had  been 
severly  tried,  and  found  above  suspicion,  whose  ex- 
perience fitted  them  to  adorn  any  station  in  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  whose  integrity  was  undoubted,  were  all 
set  aside  to  make  way  for  a  young  man — the  junior  of 
them  all :  still,  there  was  not  a  member  of  that  Con- 
vention that  did  not  appear  proud  of  its  choice.  It  was 
long  before  the  demonstration  subsided,  so  as  to  allow 
a  word  to  be  heai'd.  At  length  the  commanding  figure 
of  Mr.  Breckinridge  ascended  the  platform  to  acknow- 
ledge the  overwhelming  honor.  He  spoke  briefly  and 
becomingly.  The  result  just  announced  was  unex- 
pected, and  his  gratitude  could  not  find  words  to 
express  itself.  He  thanked  the  Convention  heartily ; 
and  expressed  his  appreciation  of  its  fii^st  choice.  He 
cordially  endorsed  the  platform,  and  sat  down  amid  the 
booming  of  cannon,  and  the  vociferous  applause  of  the 
multitude. 

Shortly  after  his  return  to  Lexington,  after  the 
adjournment  of  the  Convention,  his  friends  and  neigh- 
bors gathered  to  congratulate   him,  and   he  then,  in 


JOHN    C.    BKECKINRIDGE.  153 

addressing  them,  reiterated  the  views  expressed  in  his 
Kansas  Nebraska  speech,  and  commented  at  length  on 
the  platform  upon  which  he  was  nominated.  "  The 
whole  power,"  said  he,  '*  of  the  Democratic  organization 
is  pledged  to  the  following  propositions :  That  Congress 
shall  not  interpose  upon  this  subject,  in  the  States,  in 
the  Territories,  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  that 
the  people  of  each  Territory  shall  determine  the 
question  for  themselves,  and  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  upon  a  footing  of  perfect  equality  with  the 
original  States,  without  discrimination  on  account  of 
the  allowance  or  prohibition  of  slavery." 

He  made  a  gallant  race,  and  was  elected  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  receiving  173  electoral 
votes,  being  59  over  Wm.  L.  Dayton,  the  opposition 
candidate  for  the  same  office.  Thus,  at  tlie  age  of 
thirty-five,  he  had  served  his  country  abroad,  had  been 
a  Legislator  in  his  own  State,  and  in  the  National 
Congress,  had  been  tendered  the  representation  of  the 
Republic  in  Europe,  and  elevated  to  the  second  office  in 
the  gift  of  the  people.  Where  is  the  insatiable  ambition 
that  could  long  for  nobler  achievements  ? 

Mr.  Breckinridge  took  the  chair  as  President  of  the 
United  States  Senate,  early  in  the  first  session  of  the 
Tliirty-Fifth  Congress,  December,  1857,  and  with 
some  intermission,  caused  by  illness  in  his  family,  pre- 
sided with  becoming  dignity  and  impartiality  over  the 
deliberations  of  that  stormy  session. 

July.  24:th,  1858,  Mr.  Breckinridge  being  on  a  visit  to 
Kentucky,  attended,  by  invitation,  a  meeting  of  his 
fellow-citizens  at  Florence,  and  addressed  them  in  an 
I'loquent  speech  on  tlie  topics  of  the  day.     In  the  course 


154  JOHN    C.    BEECKINKIDGE. 

of  his  remarks,  he  reviewed  the  slavery  question  up  to 
1820,  when  intervention  against  slave  States  com 
menced,  followed  bj  a  reliearsal  of  the  Wilmot  Pro- 
viso scheme,  and  the  reaction  that  followed,  and 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  people  of  Kentucky  had 
not  properly  appreciated  the  extent  and  force  of  the 
anti-slavery  movement,  which  was  sweeping  over  the 
North,  like  a  fearful  tornado.  He  contended  that  the 
slavery  question  had  killed  the  old  Whig  party,  an 
organization  that  was  bold,  open,  gallant,  full  of  pluck 
and  fire  ;  and  that  the  American  party  had  died,  partly 
of  the  same  issue,  and  partly  of  an  inherent  weakness 
in  its  constitution,  and  thought  that  those  who  caused 
the  death  of  the  last  opposition  party  left  in  Kentucky, 
should  join  the  democrats,  to  enabled  them  to  cope 
successfully  with  northern  Republicanism.  It  was 
impossible  for  them  to  remain  neutral.  The  Dem- 
ocratic party  was  not  distinctive,  but  conservative, 
based  upon  the  Constitution,  and  the  rights  of  citizens 
and  States.  It  ^lone  had  survived  the  agitation,  and 
was  now  vital,  untamable,  and  unconquerable.  The 
sentiments  were  eloquently  and  understandingly 
expressed,  and  were  received  with  great  satisfaction. 

In  the  great  senatorial  struggle  in  Illinois,  between 
Douglas  and  Lincoln,  the  Vice-President  was  invited, 
by  the  Democratic  Committee  of  that  State,  to  attend 
and  address  the  people,  at  several  meetings  aj)pointed 
for  purposes  of  discussion,  on  the  great  questions  in- 
volved in  that  contest.  In  reply  to  this  invitation  he 
wrote  as  follows : 


JOHN   C.    BRECKINRroGE.   '  166 


"  Versailles,  Ky.,  Oct,  4,  1858. 

"  Dear  Sir :  I  received  this  morning  your  letters  of 
the  2Sth  and  29th  ult.,  written  as  Chairman  of  the 
Democratic  State  Committee  of  lUinois — also  one  of 
Mr.  Y.  Hickox,  who  informs  me  that  he  is  a  member 
of  the  same  committee.  My  absence  from  home  will 
account  for  the  delay  of  this  answer. 

"  In  these  letters  it  is  said  that  I  am  reported 
to  have  expressed  a  desire  that  Mr.  Douglas  shall 
defeat  Mr.  Lincoln  in  their  contest  for  a  seat  in 
tlie  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  a  willingness 
to  visit  Blinois  and  make  public  speeches  in  aid 
of  such  result ;  and  if  these  reports  are  true,  I  am 
invited  to  deliver  addresses  at  certain  points  in  the 
State. 

"  The  rumor  of  my  readiness  to  visit  Illinois  and 
address  the  people  in  the  present  canvass,  is  without 
foundation.  I  do  not  propose  to  leave  Kentucky 
for  the  purpose  of  mingling  in  the  political  discussions 
in  other  States.  The  two  or  three  speeches  which 
I  delivered  recently  in  this  State  rested  on  pecu- 
liar grounds,  which  I  need  not  now  discuss. 

"  The  rumor  to  which  you  refer  is  true.  I  have 
often,  in  conversation,  expressed  the  wish  that  Mr. 
Douglas  may  succeed  over  his  Republican  competitor. 
But  it  is  due  to  candor  to  say,  that  this  preference  is 
not  founded  on  his  course  at  the  late  session .  of  Con- 
gi-ess,  and  would  not  exist  if  I  supposed  it  would 
be  construed  as  an  indorsement  of  the  attitude  which 
he  then  chose  to  assume  toward  his  party,  or  of  all  the 
positions  he  has  taken  in  the  present  canvass.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  enlarge  on  these  things.     I  will  only  add, 


156  ,    JOHN   C.    BKECKINEIDGE. 

that  my  preference  rests  mainly  on  these'  consider- 
ations :  that  the  Kansas  question  is  practically  ended — 
that  Mr.  Douglas,  in  recent  speeches,  has  explicitly 
declared  his  adherence  to  the  regular  Democratic 
party  organization — that  he  seems  to  be  the  candidate 
of  the  Illinois  Democracy,  and  the  most  formida- 
ble opponent  in  that  State  of  the  Kepublican  part}-, 
and  that  on  more  than  one  occasion  during  his  public 
life  he  has  defended  the  union  of  the  States  and 
the  rights  of  the  States  with  fidelity,  courage,  and 
great  ability. 

"  I  have  not  desired  to  say  anything  upon  this  or  any 
subject  about  which  a  difference  may  be  supposed  to 
exist  in  our  political  family,  but  I  did  not  feel  at 
liberty  to  decline  an  answer  to  the  courteous  letter  of 
your  committee. 

"With  cordial  wishes  for  the  harmony  of  the  Illinois 
Democr'ecy,  and  the  hope  that  your  great  and  growing 
State,  which  has  never  yet  given  a  sectional  vote,  may 
continue  true  to  our  Constitutional  Union, 

"  I  am  very  respectfully  your  ol/d't  servant, 

"  John  C.  Bkeckineidge. 

"Hon.  John  Moore,  Chairman  of  the  Committee." 

At  the  last  session  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  Mr. 
Breckinridge  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  as  successor  to  the  Hon.  John  J.  Crit- 
enden,  whose  term  expires  in  1862. 

What  more  the  future  has  in  store  for  him,  time, 
the  sole  arbitrer  of  the  fate  of  men  and  empires,  can 
alone  determine. 


JOSEPH    LANE, 

OF  OREGON, 

CANDIDATE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCK  ATIC  PARTY, 

FOR    VICE    PRESroENT. 


JOSEPH    LANE.  159 

JOSEPH  LANE, 

OF   OREGON, 

CANDIDATE   FOR  THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY, 

Was  bom  in  North  Carolina,  December  14,  1801.  In 
1804,  liis  parents  emigi*ated  to  Kentucky  and  settled  in 
the  County  of  Henderson.  Springing  from  the  old 
Revolutionary  stock,  lie  imbibed  many  stirring  lessons 
of  patriotism,  and  learned  to  appreciate  its  glorious  re- 
sults, from  the  elders  who  surrounded  the  paternal 
hearthstone.  These  lessons  were  the  basis  of  all  the 
education  the  poor  boy  received,  and  they  entered 
largely  into  the  formation  of  his  character,  and  exerted 
a  controlling  influence  on  the  life  of  the  man. 

He  was  thrown  entirely  on  his  own  resources  while 
yet  a  mere  child,  and,  finding  that  he  was  obliged  to 
shift  for  himself,  entered  the  service  of  Nathaniel  Hart, 
then  Clerk  of  the  Henderson  County  Court.  In  this 
position,  by  persevering  industry  and  well-directed 
application,  young  Lane  picked  up  many  valuable 
scraps  of  knowledge,  and  hoarded  them  as  the  miser 
hoards  his  treasure. 

In  1816,  he  removed  to  Warwick  County,  Indiana, 
and  engaged  as  clerk  in  a  mercantile  house,  which 
situation  he  filled  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  employers 
for  nearly  four  years ;  but  trade  and  barter  would 
never  realize  the  objects  of  his  ambition,  and  he  had 
little  taste  for  them. 

In  1820,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  he  married  a  young 


160  JOSErH    I,AXE. 

woman  of  Frencli  and  Irish  parentage,  and  settled  on 
the  banks  of  the  Ohio  river,  in  Yanderburg  County, 
In  his  new  location  he  soon  became  very  popular 
among  his  friends  and  neighbors  ;  and,  in  1822,  was 
elected  to  the  Indiana  Legislature,  and  took  his  seat  as 
a  member  of  that  body  a  few  days  after  he  had  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-one.  A  gentleman  who  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  same  Legislature,  thus  describes,  in  a  work 
recently  published,  the  per'sonel  of  Lane  on  the  occa- 
sion :  "  Tlie  roll-calling  progressed  as  I  stood  by  the 
side  of  the  Clerk.  'Tlie  County  of  Yanderburg  and 
Warwick !'  said  the  Clerk.  I  saw  advancing  a  slender, 
freckle-faced  boy,  in  appearance  eighteen  or  twenty 
years  of  age.  I  marked  his  step  as  he  came  up  to  my 
side,  and  have  often  noticed  his  air  since :  it  was 
General  Joseph  Lane,  of  Mexican  and  Oregon  fame  in 
after  years." 

For  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  Lane  continued 
his  residence  in  Yanderburg  County,  and  was  often 
re-elected  to  the  Legislature,  where  he  uniformly 
represented  the  interests  of  his  constituency  in  that 
straightforward,  ingenuous  manner  that  has  invariably 
characterized  his  acts  through  life,  and  contributed  so 
much  to  his  popularity  with  the  masses.  Fearless,  in- 
dependent and  original  in  his  views,  he  never  acknow- 
ledged the  leadership  of  mere  politicians,  but  struck 
out  a  course  for  himself,  according  to  his  own  ideas  of 
justice  and  right,  and  followed  it  with  undeviating 
vigilance. 

It  was  thought,  in  the  great  financial  crisis  of  1836-T, 
that  Indiana,  severely  embarrassed  with  debt,  would 
be  compelled  to  repudiate.    Lane  conld  not  be  induc-ed 


JOSEPH   LANE.  161 

to  entertain  such  an  idea  for  a  moment.  He  viewed 
repudiation  on  the  part  of  a  State  like  Indiana,  wealthy 
in  her  natural  resources,  with  an  industrious  population, 
and  a  credit  as  yet  unimpaired,  as  unnecessary  and  dis- 
graceful. He  would  not  hear  of  such  a  thing.  He  felt 
it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  him,  as  a  working-man,  with 
the  will  and  strength  to  labor,  to  repudiate  a  debt ; 
and  how  much  more  so  to  a  State  of  which  he  was  one 
of  the  representatives  ?  He  had  the  proud  satisfaction 
of  seeing  this  threatened  stain  on  the  honor  of  a  noble 
State  successfully  averted. 

Hon.  John  Dowling,  who  served  in  the  Indiana 
Legislature  with  Lane,  thus  relates  an  interesting 
episode  in  his  career: — "  While  some  men,"  he  writes, 
"  espouse  the  cause  of  truth  more  through  accident,  or 
the  force  of  circumstances,  than  from  an  innate  love  of 
justice  for  justice's  sake,  Lane's  mind  was  so  happily 
constituted  that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  him  to  err 
in  reference  to  any  question  which  had  a  right  and 
a  wrong  side  to  it.  At  the  time  of  which  I  speak, 
there  had  assembled  a  large  Democratic  Convention  in 
the  State  Capitol  of  Indiana;  and  among  other  subjects 
claiming  the  consideration  of  the,  delegates  in  that 
body  was  the  propriety  of  subjecting  the  nomination 
of  two  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  the  test  of 
?i party  nomination.  The  offices  were  tilled — and  ably 
tilled — by  Charles  Dewey  and  Jeremiah  Sullivan  ;  and 
Gen.  Lane,  though  a  strong  party  man,  opposed,  with 
iiis  accustomed  earnestness,  the  attempt  to  l)ring 
the  Judiciary  of  the  State  within  the  vortex  of  party,  or 
to  make  the  politics  of  either  the  incumbents  or  the 
aspirants  a  test  of  party  action.     Judge  Dewey  was  a 


162  JOSEPH   LANE. 

gentleman  of  fine  education,  of  great  legal  ability,  and 
in  tlie  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  high  trust,  held  the 
scales  of  justice  with  so  even  a  hand  that  not  a 
word  could  be  said  against  him,  except  that  his  politi- 
cal proclivities  were  of  the  Whig  school.  Judge 
Sullivan,  though  not  so  able  as  a  jurist,  was  far  above 
mediocrity,  and  challenged  universal  respect  by  his 
amiable  character  and  spotless  integrity.  Among  the 
delegates  to  the  Convention  from  Floyd  county,  was  a 
young  gentleman  who  was  born,  raised  and  educated 
in  the  State  of  New  York,  and  who,  having  resided 
only  a  year  in  the  State  of  his  adoption,  could  not,  in 
view  of  the  political  dogmas  of  the  Tammany  school, 
see  the  propriety  of  tolerating  a  Whig  official  of  any 
kind,  while  a  Democratic  could  be  found  able  and  wil- 
ling to  fill  the  place.  ISTo  sooner  had  this  young  man 
(now  the  able  Governor  of  the  State)  commenced  advo- 
cating his  peculiar  views  In  the  Convention,  than  the 
majority  of  that  body,  to  whom  he  was  a  total  stranger, 
positively  refused  to  give  him  even  a  hearing,  and  by 
sliouts  and  all  sorts  of  noises,  drowned  his  voice  every 
time  he  attempted  to  advance  his  (to  them)  distasteful 
and  unpalatable  notions.  Col.  Lane,  though  foremost 
among  those  who  favored  the  re-appointment  of  the  old 
judges,  became  indignant  at  this  treatment  of  the  young 
delegate,  and  made  several  inefifectual  attempts  to  com- 
mand for  him  a  hearing.  Losing  all  patience  with  what 
he  considered  the  injustice  of  the  majority,  he  at  length 
mounted  a  table,  and,  addressing  the  presiding  officer, 
remarked  that  no  member  of  the  convention  was  more 
radically  opposed  to  the  views  of  the  young  gentleman 
from  Floyd  county,  than  himself;  but  as  he  came  there 


JOSEPH   LANE.  163 

clothed  with  the  power  and  authority  to  represent 
a  portion  of  tlie  people  of  Indiana,  he  insisted,  in 
justice  to  his  constituents,  if  not  to  himself,  that 
the  courtesy  of  a  hearing  should  be  given  to  hira. 
As  an  advocate  of  the  right  of  free  discussion,  he, 
for  one,  could  not,  by  his  silence,  acquiesce  in 
applying  the  gag  to  any  member  of  that  body ;  and, 
therefore,  until  the  delegate  from  Floyd  was  heard,  he 
pledged  himself  to  oppose  with  all  his  energies,  the 
transaction  of  any  other  business.  Claiming  to  be  the 
friends  of  liberty  and  right,  it  would,  he  continued,  in- 
flict indelible  disgrace  upon  the  Convention  to  stifle,  by 
brute  force  or  riotous  clamor,  the  opinions  of  the  hum- 
blest member  of  the  body,  merely  because  they  were 
diflferent from  those  entertained  by  the  majority.  Such 
was  the  emphatic  and  earnest  manner  of  his  delivery, 
and  such  the  justice  and  noble  spirit  of  his  views,  that 
the  young  delegate  was  finally,  by  common  consent, 
permitted  to  proceed  until  he  had  finished  his  speech. 

This  imperfect  sketch  can  give  but  a  faint  idea  of 
the  moral  grandeur  of  the  scene,  which  neither  time 
nor  distance  can  efface  from  the  memories  of  those  who 
witnessed  it." 

General  Lane  has  always  given  in  his  adherence  to 
the  Democratic  party.  He  supported  Jackson  in  1824, 
1828  and  1832,  and  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  his 
administi-ation.  In  1836  and  1840,  he  gave  his  voice 
and  energies  for  Van  Buren,  "  as  long  as  the  latter  fol- 
lowed in  the  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  predecessor," — 
and  went  for  Polk  in  1844.  His  influence  and  exer- 
tions have  been  of  great  benefit  to  his  party. 

Lane's  services  in  the  Mexican  war  drew  him  more 


164  JOSEPH    LANE, 

closely  to  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  than  all  other 
circumstances  combined.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  in  1846,  a  call  was  made  upon  Indiana  for  volun- 
teers— and  Lane,  who  was  then  a  member  of  the  State 
Senate  immediately  resigned  his  seat,  and  entered  Cap- 
tain Walker's  Company  as  a  private.  He  chose  to 
volunteer  under  Walker,  having  a  high  opinion  of  his 
bravery ;  an  opinion  which  that  gallant  officer's  con- 
duct and  death  in  the  battle  of  Huamantla  completely 
justified.  Before  leaving  Indiana,  however,  Lane  was 
taken  from  the  ranks  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
men,  and  placed  at  the  head  as  Colonel ;  and  in  a  few 
days  afterwards  he  received,  quite  unexpectedly,  a  com- 
mission from  President  Polk  as  Brigadier-General.  On 
the  9th  of  July,  1846,  he  entered  on  the  command  of 
the  three  regiments  forming  his  brigade,  and  two 
weeks  after  (July  24th,)  he  was  at  the  Brazos,  with  all 
his  men,  and  reported  his  arrival  to  General  Taylor, 
concluding  with  these  words :  "  The  brigade  I  have  the 
honor  to  command  is,  generally,  in  good  health  and  fine 
spirits,  anxious  to  engage  in  active  service."  August 
20th,  he  wrote  to  Major-General  Butler,  claiming 
active  service.  His  brigade  did  not  approve  of 
being  left  in  the  rear  to  garrison  towns  or  to  guard 
provisions  and  military  stores,  while  the  regular 
army,  and  the  volunteers  already  ordered  on  to 
Camargo,  would  have  the  honor  of  being  actively 
engaged.  "  It  was  understood,"  wrote  Lane,  "  when  we 
arrived  at  the  Brazos,  that  the  regiments  of  volunteers 
would  be  moved  on  toward  the  enemy  in  the  order  in 
which  they  arrived.  Such  orders  have  been  observed, 
with  tMa")  exceptions,  both  operating  to  the  prejudice  of 


JOSEPH    LANK.  165 

this  brigade."  A  few  days  after  his  letter  to  Butler, 
he  wrote  again  to  G-eiieral  Taylor  complaining  that 
troops  were  ordered  forward  out  of  their  order  of  pre- 
cedence, and  demanded  for  his  command  a  share  in  the 
dangers  and  honors  of  the  active  service ;  that  if  the 
whole  volunteer  corps  was  not  needed  on  the  scene  of 
action,  a  part  of  each  State's  troops  be  selected. 

After  a  long,  and,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  unreasonable 
delay,  during  which  time  his  troops,  on  the  swampy 
banks  of  Rio  Grande,  were  decimated  by  the  pestilen- 
tial diseases  of  the  climate,  he  was  ordered  to  Saltillo, 
and  made  civil  and  military  commandant  of  that  post 
by  Major-Gen eral  Butler.  After  the  battle  of  Mon- 
terey, he  was  ordered  to  join  General  Taylor.  In  the 
battle  of  Buena  Vista,  fought  on  the  22d  and  23d  of 
February,  1847,  Lane  was  third  in  command,  and,  from 
the  beginning  to  the  end  of  that  desperate  contest,  was 
in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d, 
Lane  had  the  lionor  of  opening  the  continuation  of  tlie 
fight,  on  the  plain,  and  was  attacked  by  a  force  of  near 
five  thousand  infantry,  artillery,  and  lancers,  under 
Gen.  Ampudia.  His  force  was  reduced  to  four  hun- 
dred men,  but  with  this  handful  of  brave  and  deter- 
mined spirits,  lie  received  the  Mexican  onset.  "  Noth- 
ing," writes  an  eye-witness,  "  could  exceed  the  impos- 
ing and  feaiful  appearance  of  the  torrent  of  assailants 
which  at  this  moment  swept  forward  toward  the  little 
band  of  Lane.  The  long  lines  of  infantry  presented  a 
continued  and  unbroken  sheet  of  fire ;  but  their  oppo- 
nents, though  few  in  number,  were  undismayed,  and 
defended  their  position  with  a  gallantry  worthy  of  the 
highest  praise.     Several  times  I  observed  the  Mexican 


166  JOSEPH   LANE. 

lines,  galled  by  the  American  mnsketiy  and  shattered 
by  the  fearful  discharges  from  O'Brien's  battery,  break 
and  fall  back ;  but  their  successive  formations  beyond 
the  ridge  enabled  them  to  force  the  men  back  to  their 
position  and  quickly  replace  those  who  were  slain." 
American  valor  never  accomplished  more  daring  feats 
than  at  Buena  Yista,  and  as  that  was  the  first  engage- 
ment in  which  our  volunteer  general  took  part,  it  may 
be  interesting  to  the  reader  to  peruse  the  following  ex- 
tracts from  Goodrich's  History  of  America,  describing 
that  event.     We  quote : 

"  On  the  22d,  (February,  1847,)  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, the  enemy  made  his  appearance,  and  at  two  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  a  demand  was  made  by  Gen.  Santa 
Anna,  requiring  Gen.  Taylor  to  surrender  at  discretion. 
This  was  promptly  refused ;  immediately  upon  which 
various  skirmishes  ensued,  and  were  continued  without 
intermission  until  dark. 

"It  was  now  apparent  that  a  general  battle  was  at 
hand.  The  Mexican  general  had  more  than  20,000 
men,  completely  organized,  and  elated  with  the  pros- 
pect of  routing  a  force  of  less  than  5,000,  of  which  not 
more  than  five  hundred  were  regular  troops.  It  was  a 
night  of  proud  anticipation  on  the  one  side,  and  of 
strong  determination  on  the  other.  The  odds  were 
fearful,  but  what  the  Americans  lacked  in  point  of 
numbers  they  were  determined  to  supply  by  superior 
skill  and  characteristic  bravery. 

"  At  sunrise,  on  the  following  morning,  the  contest  wag 
renewed,  and  with  slight  intermissions  was  continued 
on  both  sides  until  night.  By  means  of  his  immensely 
superior  force,  the  Mexican  general,  at  one  time,  drove 


JOSEPIT    LANE.  167 

the  American  army  for  some  distance,  but  at  a  moment 
the  most  critical,  two  pieces  of  artillery  were  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  enemy,  throwing  cannister  and  grape  so 
thickly — so  destructively,  as  to  compel  liim  to  halt. 
'  Yet,  for  several  hours,'  says  the  hero  of  Palo  Alto, 
"  the  fate  of  the  day  was  extremely  doubtful,  so  much 
so  that  I  was  urged  by  some  of  the  most  experienced 
officers  to  fall  back  and  take  up  a  new  position." 

This  advice,  however,  was  declined,  and  the  strug- 
gle went  on,  which,  according  to  the  American  Gener- 
al's report,  was  the  severest  contest  which  he  had  ever 
witnessed.  Night  only  put  a  stop  to  the  contest,  and, 
strange  to  say,  both  armies  occupied  the  same  position 
they  did  in  the  morning  before  the  battle  commenced. 

"  All  that  night  the  Americans  lay  upon  their  arms, 
as  they  had  done  the  two  previous  ones,  there  being 
no  lire  to  be  had,  and  the  mercury  below  the  fi*eezing 
point ;  ready,  and  expecting  to  renew  the  contest  on 
the  following  morning.  The  twenty  thousand  Mexi- 
cans, however,  had  witnessed  a  sufficient  display  of 
American  prowess.  Leaving  their  killed,  and  many  of 
their  wounded,  on  the  field,  they  retreated  during  the 
night,  proceeding  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis,  in  a 
wretched* and  disorganized  condition. 

"Few  victories,  whether  in  ancient  or  modern  times, 
have  been  more  remarkable.  The  skill  and  experience 
of  Santa  Anna  are  well  known,  and  yet  with  a  regu- 
larly formed  and  well  disciplined  army  of  20,000  men, 
that  skill  and  experience  were  insufficient  to  cope  with 
the  ai"my  of  Gen.  Taylor,  supported  as  he  was  by  lesa 
than  one  quarter  of  the  enemies  number. 

"The  loss  on  both  sides  was  great— amounting  on 


168  JOSEPH    1.ANE. 

the  American  side  to  two  liiiudred  and  sixty-seven 
killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty-six  wounded,  and  twenty- 
three  missing.  The  Mexican  loss  in  killed  and 
AV'ounded  probably  reached  two  thousand.  At  least 
five  hunderd  of  their  killed  were  left  upon  the  field  of 
battle." 

In  the  JSTew  Orleans  Delta  of  May  2,  1847,  in  the 
course  of  an  interesting  description  of  this  famous 
engagement,  we  find  the  following  notice  of  Lane : — 
"  When  the  grape  and  musket-shot  flew  as  thick  as 
hail  over  and  through  the  lines  of  our  volunteers,  who 
began  to  waver  before  the  fiery  storm,  their  brave 
General  could  be  seen  fifty  yards  in  advance  of  the 
line,  waiving  his  sword  with  an  arm  already  shattered 
by  a  musket-ball,  streaming  with  blood,  and  mounted 
on  a  noble  charger,  which  was  gradually  sinking 
under  the  loss  of  blood  from  five  distinct  wounds.  A 
brave  sight  indeed  was  this." 

Major-General  Wool  wrote  to  Lane,  July  7,  1847, 
as  follows :  "  I  have  seen  you  in  all  situations, — at 
the  head  of  your  brigade  in  the  drill,  and  in  the  great 
battle  of  the  22d  and  23rd  of  February ;  and  in  the 
course  of  my  experience  I  have  sejen  few,  very  few, 
who  behaved  Math  more  zeal,  ability  and  gallantry  in 
the  hour  of  danger."  Gen.  Taylor,  in  his  report,  says, 
"Brigadier  General  Lane,  (slightly  wounded)  was  active 
and  zealous  throughout  the  day,  and  displayed  great 
coolness  and  gallantry  before  the  enemy." 

In   the  month  of  June,  Lane  was  ordered  to  New 

Orleans,  where  his  brigade  was  disbanded,  its  term  of 

ervice  having  expired.     He  then  returned  home,  and 

was  greeted  with  public  festivals  and  the  most  enthu- 


JOSEPH    LANE.  160 

Elastic  demonstrations  of  applause,  by  the  people  of 
Indiana.  An  wder  soon  reached  him  to  join  Taylor's 
line,  and  he  returned  to  Mexico. 

Only  two  engagements  between  the  American  and 
Mexican  forces  occurred  after  his  return  to  duty — the 
one  at  Huamantla,  on  the  9th  of  October,  and  the  other 
at  Atlixco,  on  the  19th — in  both  of  which  Gen.  Lane 
distinguished  himself  by  great  bravery  and  address. 

For  his  courage  and  gallantry,  displayed  at  Hua- 
mantla, he  was  brevetted  Major-General. 

The  last-named  battle  is  thus  described  by  Goodrich, 
in  the  History  of  America  :  '*  In  the  action  of  the  19th, 
at  Atlixco,  ten  leagues  from  Perote,  Gen.  Lane's  forces 
consisted  of  the  fourth  Ohio,  and  fourth  Indiana  Regi- 
ments, Major  Lally's  and  Capt.  Heintzleman's  battal- 
lion.  Col.  Wynkoop's  battalion  of  four  companies,  first 
Pennsylvania  volunteers,  Oapt.  Taylor's  and  Lieut. 
Pratt's  battallion  of  light  artillery,  and  a  squadron  of 
dragoons,  commanded  by  Capt.  Ford,  third  dragoons. 
About  three  leagues  from  the  city,  the  advance-guard 
of  the  enemy  was  first  discovered.  These,  on  the  arrival 
of  the  cavalry,  were  pursued  for  a  mile  and  a  half.  On 
arriving  at  a  small  hill,  however,  they  made  a  stand, 
and  fought  severely,  until  the  American  infantry  ap- 
peared, when  they  took  to  flight.  The  dragoons  were 
again  ordered  to  follow.  After  a  running  fight  of  nearly 
four  miles,  and  when  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the 
city,  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy,  under  command  of 
Gen.  Rea,  was  discovered  on  a  side-hill,  covered  with 
chapparal,  forming  hedges,  behind  which  they  had 
taken  post.  Here  a  bloody  conflict  ensued.  During 
its  continuance,  the  infantry  appeared,  upon  which  the 
8 


170  JOSEPH   LANE. 

enemy  again  retreated.  The  columu  now  pressed  on, 
but  night  set  in  ere  they  could  reach  the  city.  But, 
favored  by  a  tine  moon-light,  the  artillery,  which  had 
come  up,  was  posted  on  a  hill  near  to  the  town, 
and  overlooking  it,  and  open  to  its  fire.  From  this 
point,  an  effective  tire  was  directed  upon  the  city. 
Every  gun  was  served  with  the  utmost  rapidity ;  and 
the  crash  of  the  walls  and  the  roofs  of  the  houses^ 
when  struck  by  the  shot  and  shell,  was  mingled  with 
the  roar  of  the  artillery.  After  firing  for  three-quarters 
of  an  hour,  the  firing  from  the  town  having  ceased, 
the  American  troops  entered,  and  Gen.  Lane  was  now 
waited  upon  by  the  Ayuntamiento,  desiring  that  their 
town  might  be  spared.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was 
two  hundred  and  nineteen  killed,  and  three  hundred 
wounded.  But  one  American  was  killed,  and  but  one 
wounded.  The  victory  here  was  the  more  important, 
as  Atlixco  had  for  some  time  been  the  head-quarters 
of  guerillas  in  that  section  of  country.  This  victory 
Achieved,  Gen,  Lane  with  his  command  returned  to 
Puebla." 

August  1st,  1848,  Lane  returned  to  Indiana ; — on  the 
28th  he  received  his  appointment  as  Governor  of  Ore- 
gon, and  on  the  29th  started  for  the  theatre  of  his  new 
hardships  and  duties.  September  4:th,  he  reached  Fort 
Leavenworth,  and  left  it  on  the  10th,  with  twenty-two 
men.  On  the  2nd  of  March,  1849,  he  arrived  safely  in 
Oregon  City.  This  long  journey,  requiring  six  months 
to  accomplisli,  cost  the  government  nothing, — Gen. 
Lane  not  making  any  charge  for  his  expenses  ;  he  also 
aicied  largely  in  subsisting  the  troops  with  the  product 
of  bis  rifle. 


JOSEPH   LANE.  171 

He  found  the  people  of  the  territory  in  a  state  o>* 
great  excitement  and  alarm  on  account  of  the  lurlian 
depredations,  which  were  of  frequent  occurrence,  diul 
greatly  impeded  the  settlement  and  progress  of  the 
country.  In  1850,  an  outbreak  occurred  on  Rogne 
River,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  territory.  Gov. 
Lane  took  the  field  in  person,  collected  a  force  of  set- 
tlers, miners,  a  few  .officers  and  men  of  the  regular 
army,  attacked  the  Indians  at  Table  Rock,  and,  after  a 
desperate  battle,  in  which  he  was  severely  wounded, 
droVe  them  from  their  position.  Vigorously  following 
up  this  advantage,  he  administered  a  chastisement  so 
severe  that  they  were  glad  to  accept  peace  on  any 
terras.  Tlie  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  passed 
a  series  of  resolutions  conveying  the  thanks  of  the  peo- 
ple for  this  great  service.  "  Few,"  says  one  of  the  res- 
olutions, "  could  have  accomplished  so  successfully 
what  his  kindness,  integrity,  and  firmness  have  done  to 
secure  the  bonds  of  a  lasting  peace  with  the  tribes  sur- 
rounding us."  The  belief  was  also  expressed,  that 
while  Governor,  he  acted  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
whole  people  ;  and  they  regretted  that  upon  the  acces- 
sion of  Gen.  Taylor  he  was  superseded.  He  was  sent 
to  Congress,  however,  as  a  delegate,  in  which  capacity 
he  continued  to  act  until  the  admission  of  Oregon  into 
the  Union,  when  he  took  his  seat  as  a  United  Stages 
Senator,  having  been  elected  to  that  position  in  antici- 
pation of  Oregon  becoming  a  State. 

As  Senator,  Mr.  Lane  has  been  a  man  of  deeds. 
Action  is  his  forte.  The  conjugation  of  the  verb  "  to 
DO,"  is  the  important  part  of  his  grammar,  and  his 


172  JOSEPH   LANE. 

rhetoric  is  all  in  the  present  participle  under  the  same 
head.  Ilis  only  remarkable  speech  in  the  Senate  was 
on  the  admission  of  Oregon,  but  that  was  proof  that  he 
can  speak  if  he  will. 

While  Gov.  Lane  was  in  Oregon,  he  was  named  for 
the  Presidency  by  a  convention  assembled  at  Indian- 
apolis, to  revise  the  State  Constitution  of  Indiana. 
The  Democratic  State  Convention,  which  met  February 
24,  1852,  also  presented  his  claim  for  the  same  high 
office,  and  pledged  the  vote  of  the  State  to  him,  in  the 
event  of  his  nomination.  At  a  public  reception  given 
him,  on  his  arrival  in  Indiana  from  Oregon,  Gov. 
"Wright  thus  briefly  reviewed  the  career  of  the  distin- 
guished guest : 

"  He  has  been  the  artificer  of  his  own  fortunes  ;  and, 
in  his  progress  from  the  farmer  on  the  banks  of  the 
Ohio,  and  the  commandant  of  a  flat-boat,  to  posts  of 
honorable  distinction, — to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives and  in  the  Senate  of  Indiana, — to  the  com- 
mand of  a  brigade  upon  the  fields  of  Buena  Yista, 
Htinmantla,  and  Atlixco, — to  the  Governorship  of  Ore- 
gon, and  thence  to  a  seat  in  Congress, — he  has  displayed 
t  lie  same  high  characteristics,  perseverance  and  energy. 
The  annals  of  onr  country  present  no  parallel  for 
tliese  facts.  You  entered  the  army  a  volunteer  in  the 
ranks,  looking  forward  only  to  the  career  of  a  com- 
mon soldier.  You  left  it  a  major-general,  closing 
your  ardent  and  brilliant  services  in  that  memora- 
ble cami)aign  by  fighting  its  last  battle,  and  capturing 
the  last  enemy." 

July  7,  1860,  Gen,  Lane  visited  IS^ev/   York,  and  in 
tlie  evening  was  serenaded  at  the  St.  Nicholas  Plotel. 


JOSBiPH    LANB.  173 

by  the  National  Democratic  Volunteers.  In  response 
to  a  call,  he  briefly  addressed  the  crowd  assembled, 
and  after  acknowledging  the  compliment  tendered  him 
by  the  Volunteers,  embraced  the  occasion  to  remark, 
that  "in  casting  about  in  his  mind  all  over  the  coun- 
try, and  looking  to  its  condition,  and  having  an 
ardent  desire  for  the  promotion  of  its  welfare,  he  could 
say,  in  all  candor,  that  he  could  not  see  how  we  could 
do  better  for  the  country  than  by  electing  John  C. 
Breckinridge  as  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  sketch  we  have  given  requires  no  elucidation 
to  impress  the  great  moral  it  is  indended  to  convey ; 
and  although  brief  and  imperfect,  we  hope  it  will  be 
read  with  some  degree  of  pleasure  by  the  countrymen 
of  Joseph  Lane. 


SAM    H  O  U  S  1^  O  N  , 

OF  TEXAS, 

CANDIDATE   OF   THE  INDEPENDENT   PARTY, 

FOR   PRESIDENT. 


SAM.    HOUSTON.  177 


SAM  HOUSTON, 

OF   TEXAS, 

CANDIDATE    FOR    THE    PRESIDENCY, 

Was  born  at  a  place  called  Timber  Ridge  Church,  in 
Rockbridge    County,   Virginia,   March   2,    1793.      In 
early  youth,  he  had   no  opportunities  for  intellectual 
improvement.    His  father  died  when  Sam  was  thirteen 
years  of  age,   and  the  whole   amount   of  his   school 
attendance,  up  to  this  period,  was  estimated  at  about 
six  months.     Nine  orphans  were  left  in  charge  of  the 
widow,  who  is  described  as  "  a  noble  woman,  of  digni- 
fied character,  and  great  moral  and  intellectual  force." 
Tlie  bereaved  family  gathered  up  their  little  store  of 
worldly  goods,  crossed  the  Alleghany  mountains,  and 
located   near  the  Tennessee  river,  then  the  boundary 
between  the   white   men   and    the  Cherokee  Indians. 
Here,   in   forest  wilds   almost  illimitable,  they  made 
a  home.    The  boys  of  the  family  were  ready  enough  at 
work,  except  the  subject  of  our  sketch,  who  had  no 
taste  for  "clearings"  as  the  result  of  his  own  labor.  He 
preferred  the  life  of  a  student  to  the  toils  of  a  back- 
woodsman ;  and  obtaining  possession  of  a  few  books, 
he   devoured   their  contents  with  all  the  voracity  of 
a  famishhig  intellect.     Pope's  translation  of  the  Iliad 
was  perused  with  much  zest,  and  gave  rise  to  a  passion- 
ate  desire   to  know    more   of    the   heroes   of    Greek 
and  Latin  story.     To  this  end,  he  expressed  a  desire  to 


178  BAM   HOUSTON. 

Btudy  the  ancient  languages,  but  the  ojjportunity 
was  denied  him. 

Very  much  against  his  inclination,  he  was  appren- 
ticed as  clerk  in  a  store,  but  soon  ran  away.  He  was 
found,  however,  after  a  long  search,  with  the  Cherokee 
Indians ;  and,  having  been  asked  his  reasons  for 
leaving  his  friends,  he  answered,  with  great  dignity, 
that  he  preferred  measuring  deer-tracks  to  tape,  liked 
the  wild  liberty  of  the  red  men  better  than  the  tyranny 
of  his  own  brothers,  and,  if  he  could  not  study  Latin  at 
school,  he  could  at  least  read  a  translation  from 
the  Greek  in  the  woods,  and  read  it  in  peace  ;  so  they 
could  go  home  as  soon  as  they  liked.  He  returned 
home  occasionally  to  remain  a  few  days,  but  almost  the 
entire  time,  from  the  date  of  his  revolt  to  his  eighteenth 
year,  was  spent  among  the  Indians ; — and  he  often 
alludes  to  this  period  as  the  happiest  part  of  his  life. 

In  1813,  he  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States.  Bestowing  her  blessing,  the  brave 
mother  addressed  him  in  these  memorable  words : — 
"  There,  my  son,  take  this  musket,  and  never  disgrace 
it ;  for,  remember,  I  had  rather  all  my  sons  should  till 
one  honorable  grave,  than  that  one  of  them  should  turn 
his  back  to  save  his  life.  Go ;  and  remember,  too, 
that  while  the  door  of  my  cottage  is  always  open  to 
brave  men,  it  is  eternally  shut  against  cowards." 

He  was  soon  promoted  to  the  rank  of  sergeant,  and 
afterwards  to  that  of  ensign,  and  in  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  the  latter  office  he  distinguished  himself  at 
the  battle  of  the  Horse-shoe,  March  27,  1814.  While 
gallantly  leading  his  men  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  a 
barbed  arrow  struck  his  thigh.     After  staunching  the 


SAM   UOUSTON.  179 

wound,  he  returned  to  the  tight,  and  received  two 
rifle-balls  in  the  right  shoulder.  The  wounds  were 
dangerous,  and  for  months  his  life  was  despaired  of. 

After  the  war,  he  was  retained  as  lieutenant,  and 
attached  to  the  First  Regiment,  stationed  at  New 
Orleans.  In  1815,  he  embarked  on  the  Cumberland 
river  in  a  small  skiff,  and  paddled  his  way  down  to  the 
Ohio,  thence  into  the  Mississippi,  and  down  that 
mighty  torrent  to  Natchez,  where  he  found  the  first 
steamboat  that  ever  ascended  the  Mississippi,  and  on 
which  he  took  passage  for  New  01  cans.  A  short  time 
subsequent  to  this  event,  he  was  charged  with  the 
management  of  an  Indian  delegation  to  Washington, 
and  while  there  found  that  attempts  had  been  made  to 
injure  him  with  the  government,  for  having  prevented 
African  negroes  from  being  smuggled  into  the  Western 
States  from  Florida,  then  a  Spanish  province.  Houston 
considering  himself  aggrieved,  resigned  his  lieutenancy, 
and  went  to  Nashville  to  study  law. 

June,  1818,  he  entered  the  office  of  Hon.  James 
Trimble,  and  after  applying  himself  diligently  for  six 
months,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  with  honor.  He  im- 
mediately established  himself  in  practice,  and  was 
much  encouraged  by  the  large  amount  of  business  that 
immediately  came  to  his  hands.  He  was  appointed 
Adjutant-General  of  the  State,  with  the  rank  of  colonel ; 
and  in  October  of  the  year  he  commenced  practice; 
he  was  elected  District-Attorney  of  the  Davidson 
District.  In  1821,  he  was  elected  Major-General;  and, 
in  1823,  he  was  sent  to  Congress  from  the  Nashville 
District  without  opposition.  In  1825,  he  was  re- 
elected to  Congress,  and  in  1827,  he  was  elected  Gov- 


180  SAM    HOUSTON.  " 

ernoi*  of  Tennessee  by  a  majority  of  more  than  twelve 
thousand. 

In  1829,  a  domestic  affliction  led  him  to  resign  his 
office,  and  again  take  up  his  abode  among  the  Indians. 
He  landed  at  the  mouth  of  White  River,  ascended  the 
Arkansas  to  Little  Rock,  and  pursued  his  way,  by  land 
and  water,  to  the  Falls  of  the  Arkansas,  four  hundred 
miles  to  the  northwest.  Here  he  was  welcomed  by  his 
adopted  father,  the  venerable  chief,  Oolooteka,  who 
said  the  cloud  which  had  fallen  on  Houston  was 
a  visitation  of  the  Great  Spirit,  so  that  the  red  man 
might  have  the  benefit  of  his  counsel.  "I  know,"  he 
said,  "  yon  will  be  our  friend,  for  our  hearts  are  near 
to  you,  and  you  will  tell  our  sorrows  to  the  great 
father,  Gen.  Jackson.  My  wigwam  is  j^ours ;  my 
home  is  yours  :  my  people  is  yours;  rest  with  us." 

He  dwelt  with  the  Cherokees  three  years, — studied 
the  red  man  and  his  wrongs  ;  and  is  proud  to  declare 
that  he  never  was  deceived  or  betrayed  by  an  Indian. 
Feeling  that  he  had  the  friendship  of  Jackson,  who  was 
then  President,  he  resolved  to  investigate  the  doings 
of  the  Indian  Agents,  and  report  the  result  of  his 
observations.  In  the  course  of  a  speech  in  after  years, 
alluding  to  the  result  of  this  investigation,  he  said 
there  was  not  a  tribe  that  had  not  been  outrageously 
defi-auded  ;  and  nearly  all  the  wars  we  have  prosecuted 
against  the  Indians  have  grown  out  of  the  cruel  in- 
justice practiced  toward  them  by  our  Indian  agents 
and  their  accomplices.  In  1832,  he  visted  Washington^ 
and  reported  the  result  of  his  inquiries  to  government, 
and  a  number  of  the  agents  and  sub-agents  were 
immediatelv  dismissed. 


SAM    UOLSTON.  181 

About  this  time  Houston  was  sent  on  a  private  mis- 
sioii  to  the  Comanches  at  San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  and 
while  at  Nacogdoches,  he  was  earnestly  pressed  to 
allow  his  name  to  be  put  forward  as  a  candidate  in  a 
convention  to  be  held  in  tlie  following  April.  Pie 
was  unanimously  elected,  and  took  up  his  residence 
with  his  new  constituents.  The  Convention  was  com- 
posed .of  about  fifty  members,  assembled  at  San  Felipe 
de  Austin,  in  a  rude,  narrow  apartment,  on  the  1st  of 
April,  1833,  and  is  memorable  as  the  first  deliberative 
assembly  "made  up  of  men  descended  from  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race  which  had  ever  assembled  within  the  limits 
of  the  ancient  dominions  of  Cortez."  A  State  Consti- 
tution was  completed,  and  a  memorial  addressed  to 
the  Supreme  Government  of  Mexico,  setting  forth  the 
reasons  why  Texas  should  be  recognised  as  one  of  the 
States  of  the  Mexican  Confederacy,  was  prepared. 

The  crisis  was  at  hand,  the  memorial  was  dispatched 
to  the  City  of  Mexico,  where  the  messenger  (afterwards 
the  famous  General  Austin,)  was  treated  with  great 
indignity,  and  imprisoned  for  several  months  without 
even  the  form  of  a  trial.  On  his  return  to  Texas,  he 
found  matters  in  a  state  of  great  confusion.  Santa 
Anna  had  demanded  the  surrender  ot  arms,  which 
would  leave  the  Texans  defenceless  against  the  Indians, 
and  they  would  submit  to  no  such  demand.  A  four- 
pounder  was  seized  at  Gonzales  by  the  Mexicans,  when 
the  people  gathered  together,  elected  Austin,  General 
of  the  forces,  and  reserving  the  field-piece,  pursued 
the  Mexicans  to  Bexar.  Thus  commenced  the  great 
and  glorious  struggle  for  Texas  Independence. 

Houston  was  elected  General  of  Texas  east  of  the 


182  SAM   HOUSTON. 

Trinity.  A  general  consultation  was  held,  a  council 
of  war  followed,  a  provisional  government  and  a  declar- 
ation of  independence  was  the  result,  in  all  of  which 
Houston  was  the  moving  spirit  and  the  master  mind. 
He  still  dressed  in  the  Indian  style,  and  Jackson  is 
reported  to  have  said  of  him  at  the  time,  that  "he 
thanked  God  there  was  one  man,  at  least,  in  Texas, 
who  was  made  by  the  Almighty,  and  not  by  a  tailor !" 

Events  followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession.  A 
regular  government  was  established,  and  Houston  was 
chosen  general  of  the  army. — ^Then  the  massacres  of 
Goliad  and  the  Alamo,  and  on  thi'ough  all  the  skir- 
mishes and  struggles  to  the  immortal  day  of  San 
Jacinto, — the  decisive  event  of  the  great  contest.  Of 
this  last  engagement  and  its  hero,  Col.  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  United  States 
Senate  in  1836,  gave  utterance  to  the  following  senti- 
ments : 

"  Of  the  individuals  who  have  purchased  lasting  re- 
nown in  this  young  war,  it  would  be  impossible  in  this 
place  to  speak  in  detail,  and  invidious  to  discriminate ; 
but  there  is  one  among  them  whose  position  forms  an 
exception,  and  whose  early  association  with  myself 
justifies  and  claims  the  tribute  of  aparticular  notice  ;  I 
speak  of  him  whose  romantic  victory  has  given  to  the 
Jacinto  that  immortality  in  grave  and  serious  history 
which  the  diskas  of  Apollo  had  given  to  it  in  the  fabu- 
lous pages  of  heathen  mythology.  General  Houston 
was  born  in  the  State  of  Yirginia,  County  of  Rock- 
bridge ;  he  was  appointed  an  ensign  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  during  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain, 
and  served  in  the  Creek  Campaign  under  the  banners 


SAM   HOUSTON.  1S3 

of  Jackson.  I  was  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  regi- 
ment to  which  he  belonged,  and  the  first  field-ofiicer  to 
whom  he  reported.  I  then  marked  in  him  the  same 
soldierly  and  gentlemanly  qualities  which  have  since 
distinguished  his  eventful  career,  frank,  generous,  brave; 
ready  to  do,  or  to  suffer,  whatever  the  obligations  of  civil 
or  miUtary  duty  imposed ;  and  always  prompt  to  answer 
the  call  of  honor,  patriotism  and  friendship.  Sincerely 
do  I  rejoice  in  his  victory.  It  is  a  victory  without 
alloy,  and  without  parallel  except  at  New  Orleans.  It 
is  a  victory  which  the  civilization  of  the  age,  and  the 
honor  of  the  human  race  required  him  to  gain — for  the 
nineteenth  century  is  not  the  age  in  which  a  repetition 
of  the  Goliad  matins  could  be  endured.  Nobly  has 
he  answered  the  requisition ;  fresh  and  luxuriant  are 
the  laurels  which  adorn  his  brow. 

"  It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  my  present  purpose,  to 
speak  of  military  events,  and  to  celebrate  the  exploits 
of  that  vanguard  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  who  are  now  on 
the  confines  of  the  ancient  Empire  of  Montezuma  ;  but 
that  combat  of  the  San  Jacinto  !  it  must  forever  remain 
in  the  catalogue  of  military  miracles.  Seven  hundred 
and  fifty  citizens,  miscellaneously  armed  with  rifles, 
muskets,  belt-pistols  and  knives,  under  a  leader  who  had 
never  seen  service  except  as  a  subaltern,  march  to 
attack  near  double  their  numbers — march  in  open  day 
across  a  clear  prairie,  to  attack  upward  of  twelve 
hundred  veterans,  the  elete  of  an  invading  army  of 
seven  thousand,  posted  in  a  wood,  their  flank  secured, 
front  intrenched  ;  and  commanded  by  a  general,  trained 
in  civil  wars,  victorious  in  numberless  battles — and 
chief  of  an  Empire  of  which  no  man  becomes  chief 


184  SAM   HOUSTON. 

except  as  conqueror.  In  twenty  minutes  the  position 
is  forced.  The  combat  becomes  a  carnage.  The  flow- 
ery prairie  is  stained  with  blood,  the  hyacinth  is  no 
longer  blue,  but  scarlet.  Six  hundred  Mexicans  are 
dead  ;  six  hundred  more  are  prisoners,  half- wounded  ; 
the  President-General  himself  is  a  prisoner,  the  camp 
and  baggage  all  taken,  and  the  loss  of  the  victors,  six 
killed  and  twenty  wounded.  Such  are  the  results,  and 
which  no  European  can  believe,  but  those  who  saw 
Jackson  at  New  Orleans.  Houston  is  the  pupil  of 
Jackson  ;  and  he  is  the  first  self-made  general,  since  the 
time  of  Mark  Antony,  and  the  King  Antigonus,  who 
has  taken  the  general  of  the  army  and  the  head  of  the 
government  captive  in  battle.  Different  from  A  ntony, 
he  has  spared  the  life  of  his  captive,  though  forfeited  by 
every  law,  human  and  divine." 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  Houston  was  elected  Presi- 
deut  of  the  Republic ;  Senators  and  Representatives 
were  also  elected.  October  3,  1836,  the  first  Texian 
Congress  was  organized  ;  and  on  the  22nd  the  inaugu- 
ration took  place,  and  President  Houston  delivered  an 
address  outlining  his  future  policy. 

December  12th,  1838,  his  Presidential  term  closed, 
and,  according  to  the  Constitution,  he  could  not  be  re- 
elected for  the  succeeding  term.  Lamar  was  made 
President,  and  was  succeeded  by  Houston,  December 
13th,  1841,  the  ex-President  having  in  the  meantime 
occupied  a  seat  as  member  of  the  Texian  Congress. 

He  was,  from  tlie  first,  a  determined  advocate  of  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States ;  and,  in  one  of  his  last 
communications  on  the  subject,  urged  annexation  as 
necessary  to  the  perpetuation  of  the  United  States,  as 


HAM    HOUSTON.  185 

follows:  "If  this  great  measure  fails,  the  Uuioii  will 
be  endangered,  its  revenues  diminished,  and  a  Euro- 
pean influence  w-ill  grow  up  in  Texas,  from  our  neces- 
sities and  interests,  that  will  most  eifectually  prejudice 
tlie  interests  of  the  United  States." 

December  29,  1845,  on  the  admission  of  Texas,  ex- 
President  Houston  and  Gen.  Rusk  were  chosen  to  re- 
present the  State  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

Senator  Houston  favored  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850,  and  opposed  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  "  Maintain  the  compro- 
mise ;  stir  not  up  agitation  ;  give  us  peace." 

March  3, 1854,  he  spoke  in  defence  of  the  three  thou- 
sand Massachusetts  clergymen  who  petitioned  Congress 
against  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  called  their  memorial 
"  a  respectful  protest  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God." 

Senator  Mallory  propounded  to  him  tlie  following 
question  :  "  Whether  he  (Houston)  approves  or  does  not 
approve  of  so  much  of  the  creed  attributed  to  the 
Know-Nothings  as  would  make  those  who  profess  the' 
Roman  Catholic  religion  ineligible  to  oflBce?  Senator 
Houston  replied  that  he  would  not  vote  for  such  a  law, 
and  could  not  approve  it.  The  proscription  charged 
upon  the  "  know-nothings"  was  nothing  more,  he  said, 
than  what  formerly  existed  between  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats. In  his  opinion,  every  foreigner  coming  to  live 
here,  should  be  endorsed  by  one  of  our  consuls  abroad, 
and  he  was  opposed  to  infamous  characters  and  paupers 
coming  among  us. 

February  16,  1858,  he  introduced  a  proposition  in 
the  Senate  to  extend  a  United  States  protectorate  over 
the  States  of  Mexico,  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  Guate 


186  SAM   HOUSTON. 

mala,  Hondnras,  and  San  Salvador,  in  such  form  and 
to  such  an  extent  as  shall  be  necessary  to  secure  to  the 
people  of  said  states  the  blessings  of  a  republican  gov- 
ernment. He  advocated  the  Southern  route  for  the 
Pacific  railroad,  and  spoke  of  the  South  as  not  favoring 
secession  or  disunion,  and  in  condemnation  of  the  slave 
trade.  He  objected  to  the  term  "  Southern  Rights ;" 
for  the  South  had  no  rights  that  were  not  equally  pos- 
sessed by  the  North. 

Senator  Iverson,  of  Georgia,  made  some  remarks  in 
response,  questioning  the  right  of  Houston  to  speak  in 
behalf  of  the  South,  as  Texas  had  repudiated  him  for 
favoring  union  %yhen  union  could  only  be  maintained 
at  the  sacrifice  of  the  South.  Houston  replied,  admit- 
ting that  Texas  had  chosen  to  dispense  vrith  his  servi- 
ces, and  said  he  was  glad  they  were  able  to  get  along 
without  him,  for  it  demonstrated  the  increasing  pros- 
perity of  the  State.  In  alluding  to  Iverson's  attack, 
he  said  it  reminded  him  of  the  old  fable  of  the  dead 
lion,  who,  being  espied  by  a  certain  animal,  the  latter 
took  advantage  of  liis  defenceless  position  to  plant  his 
heels  in  the  lions  face.  He  would  not  name  the  ani- 
mal, but  it  was  tlie  same  from  which  Samson  took  the 
jaw-bone. — ^This  retort  was  greeted  with  great 
applause,  both  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  in  the 
galleries ;  and  the  Senator  from  Georgia  promptly 
apologized  for  having,  in  the  heat  of  debate,  wounded 
the  sensibilities  of  Gen.  Houston,  for  whom  he 
cherished  a  high  regard. 

On  his  return  to  Texas,  Houston  immediately 
entered  the  gubernatorial  campaign  ;  and  defined  his 
position  in    a  speech  of  great  force  and  erudition,  at 


SAM    HOUSTON.  187 

NacJoffdoclies.  He  would  not  be  the  candidate  of  a 
Convention,  for  he  was  older  tlian  platforms,  and  a 
statesnian  before  the  day  of  conventions.  lie  labored 
througii  tlie  contest  with  characteristic  diligence,  and 
Avas  ti'iutnphantl}'  elected. 

In  March,  1860,  a  mass  convention  of  the  people  of 
Texa^,  on  the  battle-ground  of  San  Jacinto,  nominated 
Gen.  Sam  Houston  as  a  candidate  for  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy of  the  United  States,  and  pledged  him  a  major- 
ity of  20,000  in  his  own  State.  Other  gatherings  in 
different  parts  of  the  country  have  expressed  the  same 
preference,  and  a  party  of  great  respectability  of  char- 
acter and  numbers  calling  themselves  "  the  people's 
party,"  are  urging  his  election. 

We  cannot  withold  our  admiration  from  the  man, 
for  the  perseverance  and  energy  with  which  he  has 
overcome  almost  insurmountable  obstacles,  and 
attained  a  high  position  of  honorable  distinction. 


PARTY  PLATFORMS  FOR  1860, 

IN   THE  ORDER  OF   THEIR   ADOPTION 


>^*-m- 


THE  NATIONAL  UNION  PLATFORM, 

ADOPTED  BY  THE  FRIENDS  OF  JOHN  BELL  AND  EDWARD  EVERETT, 

Embbaces  the  entire  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  it 
has  been  expounded  by  its  Framers  and  exemplified  by  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court;  and  with  an  avowal  to  be 
guided  by  the  letter  and  spirit  of  this  sacred  instrument, 
the  candidates  pledge  their  best  services  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  every  section  of  the  Union. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

ADOPTED   BY    THE    FRIENDS    OF    ABRAHAM     LINCOLN    AND    HANI- 

BAL    HAMLIN. 

Resohed,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the 
Republican  Electors  of  the  United  States,  in  Convention  as- 
sembled, in  the  discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constit- 
uents and  our  country,  unite  in  the  following  declarations  : 

First.  That  the  history  of  the  nation,  during  the  last  four 
years,  has  fully  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of 
the  organization  and  perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party^ 
and  that  the  causes  which  called  it  into  existence  are  perma- 
nent in  their  nature.,  and  now,  more  than  ever  before,  demand 
its  peaceful  and  constitutional  triumph. 
(KS9) 


190  PARTY    PLATFORMS. 

Second.  Ttat  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promul 
gated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in 
Uic  Federal  Constitution,  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
our  republican  institutions;  that  the  Federal  Constitution, 
the  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States,  must 
and  shall  be  preserved  ;  and  that  we  re-assert  "  these  truths 
to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness. That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed." 

Third.  That  to  the  Union  of  the  States  this  nation  owes 
its  unprecedented  increase  in  population  ;  its  surprising  de- 
velopment of  material  resources  ;  its  rapid  augmentation  of 
weal.h;  its  happiness  at  home  and  its  honor  abroad  ;  amj  we 
hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes  for  disunion,  come  from 
whatever  source  they  may ;  and  we  congratulate  the  country 
that  no  Republican  member  of  Congress  has  uttered  or  coun- 
tenanced a  threat  of  disunion,  so  often  made  by  Democratic 
members  of  Congress  without  rebuke,  and  with  applause 
from  their  political  associates ;  and  we  denounce  those 
threats  of  disunion,  in  case  of  a  popular  overthrow  of  their 
ascendency,  as  denying  the  vital  principles  of  a  free  Grovern- 
ment,  and  as  an  avowal  of  contemplated  treason,  which  it  is 
the  imperative  duty  of  an  indignant  people  strongly  to  rebuke 
and  for  ever  silence. 

Fourth  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of 
the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order 
and  control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power 
on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  faith 
depends ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion,  by  armed 
force,  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pre- 
text, as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes. 

Fifth:  That  the  present  Democratic  Administration  has 
far  exceeded  our  worst  apprehensions  in  its  measureless 
subserviency  to  the  exactions  of  a  sectional  interest,  as  is 
especially  evident  in  its  desperate  exertions  to  force  the  in- 


PAKTY   PLATF0EM8.  191 

famous  Lecompton  Constitution  upon  the  protesting  people 
or"  Kfinsas — in  construing  the  personal  relation  between  mas- 
ter and  servant  to  involve  an  unqualified  property  in  persons 
— ill  its  attempted  enforcement  everywhere,  on  land  and  sea, 
through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and  the  Federal  Courts, 
of  the  extreme  pretensions  of  a  purely  local  interest,  and  in 
ifs  general  and  unvarying  abuse  of  the  power  intrusted  to  it 
by  a  confiding  people. 

Sixth.  That  the  people  justly  view  witii  aiai-ni  tlio  i-i,'' less 
extravagance  which  pervades  every  department  of  the  Fede- 
ral Government ;  that  a  return  to  rigid  economy  and  accoun- 
tability is  indispensable  to  arrest  the  system  of  plunder  of 
the  public  treasury  by  favored  partisans  ;  while  the  recent 
startling  developments  of  fraud  and  corruption  at  the  Federal 
metropolis  show  that  an  entire  change  of  administration  is 
imperatively  demanded. 

Seventh.  That  the  new  dogma,  that  the  Constitution,  of 
its  own  force,  carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  the  Territories 
of  the  United  States,  is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at 
variance  with  the  explicit  provisions  of  that  instrument  itself, 
with  contemporaneous  exposition,  and  with  legislative  and 
judicial  precedent,  is  revolutionary  in  its  tendency  and  sub- 
versive of  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

Eighth,  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory 
of  the  United  States  is  that  of  freedom  ;  that  as  our  republi- 
can fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our 
national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person  should  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law,  it 
becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such  legislation 
is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution 
against  all  attempts  to  violate  it ;  and  we  deny  the  authority 
of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  or  of  any  individ- 
uals, to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  of 
the  United  States. 

Ninth.  That  we  brand  the  recent  reopening  of  the  African 
slave-trade,  under  the  cover  of  our  national  flag,  aided  by  per- 
versions of  judicial  power,  as  a  crime  against  humanity,  a 
burning  shame  to  our  country  and  age  ;  and  we  call  upon 


192  PARTY    PLATFORMS. 

Congross  to  take  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  the  total 
and  final  suppression  of  that  execrable  traffic. 

Tenth.  That  in  their  recent  vetoes,  by  their  Federal  Gov- 
ernors, of  the  acts  of  the  Legislatures  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery  in  those  territories,  we  find  a 
practical  illustration  of  the  boasted  democratic  principle  of 
non-intervention  and  popular  sovereignty,  embodied  in  the 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  and  a  demonstration  of  the  decep- 
tfion  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

Eleventh.  1  hat  Kansas  should  of  right,  be  immediately 
admitted  as  a  State,  under  the  constitution  recently  formed 
and  adopted  by  her  people,  and  accepted  by  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives. 

Twelfth.  That  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support 
of  the  General  Government  by  duties  upon  imposts,  sound 
policy  requires  such  an  adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to 
encourage  the  development  of  the  industrial  interests  of  the 
whole  country ;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of  national 
exchanges  which  secures  to  the  working  men  liberal  wages, 
to  agriculture  remunerating  prices,  the  mechanics  and  manu- 
facturers an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor  and 
enterprise,  and  to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and 
independence. 

Thirteenth.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  aliena- 
tion to  others  of  the  public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers,  and 
against  any  view  of  the  free  Homestead  policy  which  regards 
the  settlers  as  paupers  or  supplicants  for  public  bounty  ;  and 
we  demand  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the  complete  and  sat- 
isfactory Homestead  measure  which  has  already  passed  the 
House. 

Fourteenth.  That  the  Kepublican  party  is  opposed  to  any 
change  in  our  Naturalization  laws,  or  any  State  legislation  by 
which  the  rights  of  citizenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immi- 
grants from  foreign  lands  shall  be  abridged  or  impaired  ;  and 
in  favor  of  giving  a  full  and  efficient  protection  to  the  rights 
of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether  native  or  naturalized,  both 
at  home  and  abroad. 

Fifteenth.     That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  River  and 


PARTY    PLATFORMS.  103 

Harbor  Improvements,  of  a  national  character,  required  for 
the  accommodation  and  security  of  an  existing  Cominerco, 
are  authorized  by  the  Constitution  and  justified  by  an  obli- 
gation of  the  Government  to  protect  the  lives  and  property 
of  its  citizens. 

Sixteenth.  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  impera- 
tively demanded  by  the  interests  of  the  whole  country  ;  that 
the  Federal  Government  ought  to  render  immediate  aud  efli- 
cient  aid  in  its  construction,  and  that  as  preliminary  thereto 
a  daily  overland  mail  should  be  promptly  established. 

Seventeenth.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinc- 
tive principles  and  views,  we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all 
citizens,  however  differing  on  other  questions,  who  substan- 
tially agree  with  us,  in  their  affirmance  and  support. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  BY  THE   FRIENDS    OF    STEPHEN   A.   DOUGLAS    AND    HER- 
SCHEL    V.     JOHNSON. 

The  following  resolutions,  known  as  "  The  Cincinnati 
Platform,"  were  adopted  at  Charleston  and  Baltimore  as  the 
Platform  of  the  majority  of  the  National  Democratic  Conven- 
tion, with  the  explanatory  resolutions  appended: 

Resolved,  That  we  reiterate,  with  renewed  energy  of  pur- 
pose, the  well-considered  declarations  of  former  Conventions 
upon  the  sectional  issue  of  domestic  slavery,  and  concern- 
ing the  reserved  rights  of  the  States : 

First.  That  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitution, 
to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
several  States,  and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper 
judges  of  everything  appertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not 
prohibited  by  the  Constitution;  that  all  efforts  of  the  Aboli- 
tionists or  others,  made  to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery, 
or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  violation  thereto,  are  calculated 
to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequenaes ; 


194  PARTY   PLATFORMS. 

and  that  all  such  eflPorts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to 
diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  sta- 
bility and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  coun- 
tenanced by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

Second.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  was 
intended  to  embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation 
in  Congress ;  and,  therefore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
Union,  standing  on  this  national  platform,  will  abide  by  and 
adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known  as  the  Com- 
'promise  Measures,  settled  by  the  Congress  of  1850,  the  "Act 
for  Reclaiming  Fugitives  from  Service  or  Labor"  included, 
which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision 
of  the  Constitution,  cannot  with  fidelity  thereto  be  repealed, 
or  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

Third.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts 
at  renewing,  in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the 
slavery  question,  under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt 
may  be  made. 

Fourth.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by 
and  uphold  the  principles  laid  down  by  the  Kentucky  and 
Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798,  and  on  the  report  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son to  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1799;  that  it  adopts  those 
principles  as  constituting  one  of  the  main  foundations  of  its 
political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry  them  out  in  their 
obvious  meaning  and  import. 

And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on  which 
a  sectional  party,  subsisting  exclusively  on  slavery  agitation, 
now  relies  to  test  the  fidelity  of  the  North  and  South  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That,  claiming  fellowship  with  and  desiring  the 
co-operation  of  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
under  the  Constitution  as  a  paramount  issue,  and  repudiating 
ail  sectional  parties  and  platforms,  concerning  domestic 
slavery,  which  seek  to  embroil  the  States,  and  to  incite  to 
treason  armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  Territories  ;  and 
whose  avowed  purpose,  if  consumated,  must  end  in  civil  war 
and  disunion — the  American  Democracy  recognize  and  adopt 
the  principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws,  establishing  the 
Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  as  embodying  the  only 


PARTY    PLATFORMS.  195 

sound  and  safe  solution  of  the"  slavery  question"  upon  which- 
the  great  national   idea  of   the  people  of  this  whule  counti'v 
can  repose  in   its   determined   conservation   of  the  Union — 
Non-Ijnterference  by  Congress  with  Slavery  in  State 
AND  Territory,  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Second.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromises  of 
1850,  confirmed  both  by  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties,  in 
National  Convention — ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election 
of  1852,  and  rightly  applied  to  the  organization  of  Territories 
in  1854. 

Third.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  the  Democratic 
principle  to  the  organization  of  Territories,  and  to  the  admis- 
sion of  new  States,  with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  as  they 
may  elect,  the  equal  rights  of  all  the  States  will  be  preserved 
intact,  the  original  compacts  of  the  Constitution  maintained 
unviolated,  and  the  perpetuity  and  expansion  of  this  Union 
insured  to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing,  in  peace  and 
harmony,  every  future  American  State  that  may  be  consti- 
tuted or  annexed,  with  a  republican  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all 
the  Territories,  including  Kansas  and  Nebraska  acting 
through  the  legally  and  fuirly-expressed  will  of  the  majority 
of  actual  residents,  and  whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabi- 
tants justifies  it,  to  form  a  Constitution,  with  or  without  do- 
mestic slavery,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon  terms  of 
perfect  equality  with  the  other  States. 

EXPLANATORY    RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  Democracy  of  the  Union,  in  Con- 
vention assembled,  do  hereby  declare  our  affirmation  of  the 
resolutions  unanimously  adopted  and  declared  as  a  platform 
of  principles  by  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  in 
the  year  1856,  believing  that  democratic  principles  are  un- 
changeable in  their  nature  when  applied  to  the  same  subject- 
matters. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  afford 
ample  and  complete  protection  to  all  its  citizens,  whether  at 
home  or  abroad,  and  whether  native  or  foreign  born. 


196  PAETY    PLATFOKMS. 

Resolved,  That  one  of  the  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a  mili- 
tary, commercial,  and  postal  point  of  view,  is  speedy  commu- 
nication between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States,  and  the 
Democratic  Party  pledge  such  constitutional  power  of  the 
Government  as  will  insure  the  construction  of  a  railroad  to 
the  Pacific  coast  at  the  earliest  practicable  period. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  Party  are  in  favor  of  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to 
ourselves  and  just  to  Spain. 

Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  State  Legislatures  to 
defeat  the  faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  are 
hostile  in  character  and  subversive  to  the  Constitution,  an(i 
revolutionary  in  their  effects. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  Cincinnati 
Platform  that,  during  the  existence  of  Territorial  Govern- 
ment the  measure  of  restriction,  whatever  it  may  be,  im- 
posed by  the  Federal  Constitution  on  the  power  of  the  Ter- 
ritorial Legislature  over  the  subject  of  the  domestic  relations, 
as  the  same  has  been  or  shall  hereafter  be  finally  determined 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  should  be  re- 
spected by  all  good  citizens,  and  enforced  with  promptness 
and  fidelity  by  every  branch  of  the  General  Government. 


THE   DEMOCKATIC   PLATFORM, 

ADOPTED     BY    THE    FRIENDS    OF   JOHN   0.    BRECKINRIDGE     AND 

JOSEPH  LANE. 

In  addition  to  the  Cincinnati  Platform,  the  minority  of 
the  Convention  at  Charleston  and  Baltimore  adopted  the  fol- 
lowing : 

Resolved,  That  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Democratio 
Party  at  Cincinnati  is  affirmed,  with  the  following  explan- 
atory resolutions  : 

First.    That  the  government  of  a  Territory  organized  by 


PARTY    PLATFORMS.  197 

an  act  of  Congress  is  provisional  and  temporary,  and  during 
its  existance  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  equal 
right  to  settle  with  their  property  in  the  Territory,  without 
their  rights,  either  of  person  or  property,  being  destroyed 
or  injured  by  Congressional  or  Territorial  legislation. 

Second.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government, 
in  all  its  departments,  to  protect,  when  necessary,  the  rights 
of  persons  and  property  in  the  Territories,  and  wherever  else 
its  constitutional  authority  extends. 

Third.  That  when  the  settlers  in  a  Territory,  having  an 
adequate  population,  form  a  State  Constitution,  the  right  of 
sovereignty  commences,  and  being  consumated  by  admission 
into  the  Union,  they  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  peo- 
ple of  other  States  ;  and  a  State  thus  organized  ought  to 
be  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union,  whether  its  Constitu- 
tion prohibits  or  recognizes  the  institution  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  Party  are  in  favor  of  the 
acquisition  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be 
honorable  to  ourselves  and  just  to  Spain,  at  the  earliest 
practicable  moment. 

Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  State  Legislatures  to 
defeat  the  faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  are 
hostile  in  character  -to,  and  subversive  of  the  Consitution, 
and  revolutionary  in  their  effect. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States  rec- 
ognize it  as  an  imperative  duty  of  this  Government  to  pro- 
tect naturalized  citizens  in  all  thier  rights,  whether  at  home 
or  in  foreisin  lands,  to  the  same  extent  as  its  native  born  cit- 
izens.     And 

WTierfos,  One  of  the  greatest  necessities  of  the  age  in  a 
political,  commercial,  postal,  and  military  point  of  view,  is 
a  speedy  communication  between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic 
coasts  ;  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Democratic  Party  do  hereby 
pledge  themselves  to  use  every  means  in  their  power  to 
secure  the  passage  of  some  bill,  to  the  extent  of  the  consti- 
tutional power  of  Congress,  for  the  costruction  of  a  Pacific 
Railroad  from  the  Missisisppi  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 


198  PARTY  PLATFORMS. 

THE  INDEPENDENT  PLATFORM, 

ADOPTED  BY  THE  FRIENDS  OF  GENERAL  SAM  HOUSTON. 

At  an  enthusiastic  meeting  for  celebrating  the  Anniver- 
sary of  the  Battle  of  San  Jacinto,  held  on  the  battle-gruuud, 
April  21st,  1860,  General  Sam  Houston  was  unanimously 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  ;  and  the  following  preamble 
and  resolutions  were  adopted,  as  embracing  the  objects  and 
sentiments  by  which  his  friends  are  actuated  : 

Assembled  as  we  are  on  the  Battle-Ground  of  San  Jacinto 
— a  spot  consecrated  by  the  blood  and  valor  of  those  who 
periled  their  everything  in  their  country's  cause — we  deem 
the  occasion  and  the  place  as  well  fitted  to  utter  a  few  words 
to  our  fellow-citizens  upon  the  great  questions  which  lay  at 
the  foundation  of  our  national  prosperity  and  happiness.  We 
have,  fallen  upon  evil  times.  Political  jobbers  have  manoeu- 
vred and  squabbled  when  they  should  have  labored  for  the 
public  good. 

They  have  invented  new  questions  to  distract  the  public 
mind ;  they  have  arrayed  one  section  of  our  common  coun- 
try against  another  ;  they  have  sown  discord  where  confi- 
dence and  good  will  would  have  prevailed  bat  for  their 
wicked  efforts,  until  the  glorious  fabric  of  our  good  govern- 
ment, which  has  secured  an  unexampled  prosperity  to  our 
people,  has  been  greatly  endangered,  if  not  well  nigh  de- 
molished, 

"We  are  tired  of  being  bartered  off  and  "  compromised"  by 
party  conventions  and  cliques,  and  think  it  high  time  that 
the  voters  of  the  United  States  of  America  should  for  once, 
at  least,  take  the  matter  of  choosing  their  Chief  Magistrate 
into  their  own  hands,  without  consultirng  sectional  or  partizan 
leaders  from  any  quarter.  The  time  ^as  now  arrived  when 
all  conservative  men,  of  whatever  section,  who  love  their 
country,  should  unite  on  a  common  platform  of  reciprocal 
justice,  for  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution  and  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Union  :  Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  present  attitude  of  the  two  leading 
parties  of  the  United  States,  standing  upon  opposite  geo- 
graphical divisions,  and  respectively  seeking  success  by  ap- 


PAIHY    I'LATFcliMS.  191) 

peals  to  sectional  prejudices,  creates  an  immiuent  necessity 
for  the  people  of  all  the  States  to  rally  arouud  some  Presi- 
dential candidate  of  national  character,  whose  public  services 
have  been  devoted  to  the  best  interests  of  the  whole  country, 
and  whose  name  shall  inspire  confidence  in  the  hearts  of  all 
Union-loving  patriots — under  whose  banners  they  can  form 
from  every  portion  of  our  beloved  Union,  forgetting  sectional 
and  partizan  rancor,  and  coming  up  shoulder  to  shoulder  to 
sustain  and  perpetuate  our  liberties,  as  did  the  patriots  of 
old  to  establish  them. 

Second.  That  we  recommend  to  the  conservative  people 
of  the  nation  our  distinguished  citizen,  Gen.  Sam  Houston, 
as  the  People's  Candidate  for  the  Presidency,  assured  that 
his  devotion  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  his  illustrious 
life  and  great  public  services,  give  a  better  guarantee  for  the 
wisdom  and  patriotism  of  his  administration  than  any  plat- 
form that  parties  can  construct.  The  people  know  him  to 
be  a  true  and  safe  man,  who  loves  his  country  and  rejoices 
in  the  advancement  of  every  part  of  it — one  of  the  few  left 
of  the  old  school  of  patriots  and  statesmen,  who  would  exert 
all  his  power  to  arrest  the  growth  of  the  spirit  of  disunion, 
and  check  the  increasing  tide  of  extravagance  and  corruption 
now  so  rapidly  undermining  the  principles  upon  which  our 
government  was  founded.  Under  such  an  administration, 
tranquility  and  confidence  must  be  restored  at  home,  and  re- 
spect commanded  abroad ;  while  political  freedom,  social 
happiness,  and  material  prosperity,  the  fruits  of  peace  and 
order,  will  be  assured  to  our  distracted  neighbor,  Mexico, 
under  a  judicious  American  Protectorate,  alike  demanded  as 
a  measure  of  salvation  to  a  rapidly-decaying  government, 
ready  to  lapse  into  barbarism,  or  fall  a  prey  to  European 
despotism,  and  for  the  preservation  of  our  political  and  com- 
mercial interests  on  this  continent. 

Third.  That  we  call  upon  conservative  men,  of  all  par- 
ties, and  in  all  sections  of  the  Union,  whether  assembled  in 
Conventions  or  otherwise,  to  weigh  well  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  country  ;  and  to  unite  with  us  in  crushing  out 
every  species  of  fanaticism,  in  an  earnest  and  sincere  efibrt 
to  recall  the  nation  to  a  sense  of  impending  dangers,  and 
invoke  their  assistance  by  falling  in  line  with  us  under  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union. 


ILLUSTRATED  NATIONAL 

CAMPAIGN  HAND-BOOK 

FOR    I860. 


PART  SECOND. 


KUBBA.CINO  A 


COMPLETE  COMPENDIUM 


OF  THE 

POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  UMTED  STATES. 

FSOU  THB 

ORIGINAL  FORMATION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT 
TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 


NEW  TORK  : 

J.  G.  WELLS,  COR.  PARK-ROW  AND  BEEKMAN  STREET. 

CINCINNATI,  OHIO: 

MACK  R.  BARNITZ,  38  AND  40  WEST  FOURTH  STREET. 

1860. 


CONTENTS. 


tXUf 

ADDR.'CSSESof  Wa.«!Lmgton aS 

Oq  his  Election  as  Commander-in-Chief. 28 

On  Resigning  his  Commission .. 3'J 

On  being  inaugurated  as  President ■>() 

Bis  Farevrell  Address 4o 

AMERICAN  UNION,  Formation  of  the ^7 

BIOUBAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  THE  EX-PRESIDENTS— 

Adams,  John HI 

Adams,  John  Quincy 11' 

FiUraore,  Millard 133 

Harrison,  William  H. ,  12» 

Jackson,  Andrew 121 

Jefferson ,  Thomas 113 

Madison,  James • . .  US 

Monroe,  James 117 

Pierce,  Franklin 1>>B 

Polk,  James  K 129 

Taylor,  Zacharj , 131 

Tyler,  John 11'? 

Van  Buren,  Martin 1^^ 

Washington,  George 109 

BUCHANAN,  JAMES 137 

CONFEDERATION,  The  original  ariclescf 5 

CHRONOLOGICAL,  History  of  important  events,  embracing  a  period  of  two  hundred 
and  Cfty  years,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  country  to  the  persent  time, 

arranged  in  chronological  order 1^9 

COMPROJOSE  ACT  OF  1820,  on  the  Admission  of  Missouri 66 

CONGRESS,  Apportionment  of  Representation,  Pay  of  Members,  &c 14S 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNTTED  STATES 24 

jONTENTS 6 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 17 

ELECTORAL  VOTES  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  from 

the  First  Term,  commencing  1789,  to  the  Seventeenth  Term,  ending  1857,  70„88 
ELECTION  FOR  PRESIDENT,  Devolves  on  the  House  of  Representatives, ....  73— T9 

FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  OF  1850 66 

GREAT  SEAL  OF  liiE  UNITED  STATES,  Fac-simile,  History,  and  Description  of,     89 
tNTERESTING  INCIDENTS  OF  EACH  ADMINISTRATION— 

Alabama  constituted  and  admitted  a  State 77 

Algerine  Piracies  punished  by  the  United  States,  Treaties,  &c 70 

Arkansas  set  off  from  Missouri  Territory 77 

Bankruptcy,  Bill  for  establishing  a  Uniform  System  of. 84 

Barbary  Powers,  Treaties  with  the 76 

Bright,  Jesse  D.,  succeeds  Vice-President  King 87 

Calhoun,  John  C,  Difficulties  with  President  Jackson 80 

Commander-in-Chief,  Washington  appointed  after  retiring  from  Residency. .     71 

Congress — First  under  the  Constitution 70 

"  Extra  Session  called  by  President  Van  Buren 88 

"  Extra  Session  called  by  President  Harrison ?3 

"  Message  to,  announcing  the  Death  of  President  Taylor 86 

Death  of  Vice-President  King 87 

!>iffi  ulties  with  the  French  Directory 71 

Embargo,  in  retaliation  for  French  and  English  Aggressions 74 

.  'illmore  succeeds  President  Taylor So 

T'lnancial  Embarrarsments  throughout  the  Country 82 

llorida,  East  and  West,  ceded  to  the  United  States 77 

Ghent,  Treaty  of  Peace  with  England  signed  at 76 

Hale.  John  P.  of  New  Hampshire,  nominated  for  the  Presidency. r ^ 

HarriMn,  President,  Sudden  Death  of tS 


CONTENTS 

fW'TiL^ESTING  IXaDENTS  OF  EACH  ADMI^^STRA'IION—  PiGU 

Inaugural  Address  of  Mr.  Jefferson 73 

Independent  Treasury  Bill t9 

Indian  War  of  1811 — Defeat  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  at  Tippecanoe..  It 

Jackson,  President,  Northern  Tour  of 81 

King,  Vice-President — Oath  of  Office  administered  in  Cuba 87 

Lafayette — Visits  the  United  States  as  the  "Nation's  Guest" 78 

Louisiana  purchased  of  France 74 

Maine  erected  into  an  Independent  State 77 

Mangum,  Willie  P.,  succeeds  Vice-President  Tyler 5S 

Milan  Decree  issued  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte 74 

North-eastern  Boundary  of  the  United  States — Treaty  adjusting  the 84 

Oath  of  Office  talien  by  President  Tyler 84 

Orders  in  Council  by  the  British  Government '•■^ 

Public  Lands — Bill  for  Distributing  the  Proceeds  of  the t4 

Removal  of  the  Public  Moneys  from  the  United  States  Bank ." fel 

Results  of  the  War  with  Mexico fc5 

Seat  of  Government  removed  to  Washington '2 

Seminole  and  Creeli  Indians — Chastised  for  Depredations 77 

Sudden  Death  of  President  Taylor «' 

Texas,  Treaty  with ,  rejected  by  the  Senate •'  -1 

Texas  admitted  into  the  Union i> 

Treasury  Notes — The  issue  of  Ten  Millions  of  Dollars  authorized ■-' 

Troubles  witli  France  and  the  Indians 

Tyler,  John,  succeeds  President  Harrison k^ 

Unjust  Resolution  relative  to  President  Jackson  Expunged 81 

Veto  of  the  Bill  to  incorporate  the  Fiscal  Bank  of  the  United  States t" 

"                   "                 "                       "      Corporation        "          "      "^i 

War  declared  against  England -J 

War  with  Algiers — Expedition  under  Commodore  Decatur ■  o 

War  with  Mexico ^^ 

KANSAS  AND  NEBRASKA  ACT  OF  1854 i 

OKDINaNCK  of  178-t 00 

PLATFORM  OF  THE   AMERICAN  PARTY 139 

PLATFORM  OF  THE   DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 141 

PLATFORM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN   PARTY 146 

POPULATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 65 

SEALS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES,  Fac-similes  and  Descriptions  of  the 93 


•. 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

KXTERIOR  VIEW  OF  THE  NEW  CAPITOL,  WASHINGTON  CITY FKONTlSPKCf 

PORTEAITS    OF   THE    EX-PBE  SID  ENT  S. 


WASHINGTON 
JOHN  ADAMS 
JEFFERSON 


MADISON 
MONROE 
J.  Q.  ADAMS 


JACKSON 
VAN  BUREN 
HARRISON 


TYLEK 

POLK 

TAYLOR 


FILLMORE 
PIERCE 


BEALS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE  81  STATES 


ALABAMA 

ARKANSAS 

llALIFORNIA 

tX)NNECnCUT 

DELAWARE 

>XORIDA 

GLORGU 


ILIINOIS 

INDIANNA 

IOWA 

KENTUCKY 

LOUISLiNA 

MAINE 


MARYLAND 

MASSACHUSETTS 

MICHIGAN 

MISSISSIPPI 

MSSOURI 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE 


NEW  JERSEY 
NEW  YORK 
N.  CAROLINA 
OHIO 

PENNSYLVANU 
RHODE  ISLAND 


S.  CAROLINA 

TENNESSEE 

TEXAS 

VERMONT 

VIRGINIA 

WISOOKSSN 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION. 


[The  following  articles  were  drawn  up  by  a  committee  of  gGntleraen, 
who  were  appointed  by  Congress  for  this  purpose,  June  12,  1776,  and 
finally  adopted,  Nov.  15.  1777  :  the  committee  were  Messrs.  Bartlett, 
Samuel  Adams,  Hopkins,  Sherman,  R.  R.  Livingston,  Dickinson, 
*i'Kean,  Stone,  Nelson,  Howes,  B.  Rutledge,  and  Gwiunet.] 

In  Congress,  July  8,  1778. 

ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION  AND  PERPETUAL  UNION 

Between  the  States  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachxisetts  Bay,  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Norlh  Carolina, 
SouthCarolina,  nad  Georgia. 

Art.  1.  The  style  of  this  confederacy  shall  be,  "  The  United  States 
of  America." 

Art.  2.  Each  state  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independ- 
ence, and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right,  which  is  not  by  this 
confederation  expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled. 

Art.  3.  The  said  states  hereby  severally  enter  into  a  firm  league  of 
friendsdip  with  each  other,  for  their  common  defence,  the  security  of 
their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and  general  welfare,  binding  them- 
selves to  assist  each  other  against  all  force  offered  to,  or  attacks  made 
upon  them,  or  any  of  thorn,  on  account  of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade, 
or  any  other  pretence  whatever. 

Art.  4.  ^  1.  The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual  friendship 
and  intercourse  among  the  people  of  the  different  states  in  this  union, 
the  free  inhabitants  of  en  ,h  of  these  states,  paupers — vagabonds,  and 
fugitives  from  justice  excepted — shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and 
immunities  of  free  citizens  in  the  several  states ;  and  the  people  of 
each  state  shall  have  free  ingress  and  egress  to  and  from  any  other 
state,  and  shall  enjoy  therein  all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce, 
subject  to  the  same  duties,  impositioHS,  and  restrictions,  as  the  inhabit- 
ants thereof  respectively ;  provided,  that  such  restrictions  shall  not 
extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  property  imported  into  any 
state,  to  any  other  state,  of  which  the  owner  is  an  inhabitant ;  pro- 
Aided  also,  that  no  imposition,  duties,  or  restriction,  shall  be  laid  by 
any  state  on  the  property  of  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them. 

\  2.  If  any  person,  guilty  of,  or  charged  with  treason,  felony,  or 
other  high  misdemeanor,  in  any  state,  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be 
found  in  any  of  the  United  States,  he  shall,  upon  the  demand  of  the 
governor  or  executive  power  of  the  state  from  which  he  fled,  be  do- 
livei-ed  up  and  removed  to  the  state  having  jurisdiction  of  his  offence. 

{  3.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given,  in  each  of  these  states,  to 


10  ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION. 

the  records,  acts,  aud  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts  and  magia 
trates  of  every  other  state. 

Art.  5.  §  1.  Far  the  more  convenient  management  of  the  general 
interests  of  the  United  States,  delegates  shall  be  annually  appointed 
in  such  manner  as  the  legislature  of  each  state  shall  direct,  to  meet  iu 
Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in  November  in  every  year,  with  a  power 
reserved  to  each  state  to  recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them,  at  any 
time  within  the  year,  and  to  send  others  in  their  stead,  for  the  remainder 
of  the  year. 

g  2.  No  state  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two,  nor 
more  than  seven  members ;  and  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being 
a  delegate  for  more  than  three  years,  in  any  term  of  six  years ;  nor 
shall  any  person,  being  a  delegate,  be  capable  of  holding  any  office 
under  the  United  States,  for  which  he,  or  any  other  for  his  benefit, 
receives  any  salary,  fees,  or  emolument,  of  any  kind. 

I  3.  Each  state  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in  a  meeting  of  the 
states,  and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the  committee  of  these  states. 

§  4.  In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  each  state  shall  have  one  vote. 

g  5.  Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not  be  im- 
peached "or  questioned  in  any  court  or  place  out  of  Congress,  and  the 
members  of  Congress  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons  from  arrests 
and  imprisonments  during  the  time  of  their  going  to  and  from,  and 
attendance  on  Congress,  except  for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the 
peace. 

Art.  6.  §  1.  No  state,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States  Id 
Congress  assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  receive  any  embassy 
from,  or  enter  into  any  conference,  agreement,  alliance,  or  treaty  with 
any  king,  prince,  or  state,  nor  shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of 
profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any 
present,  emolument,  office,  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any 
king,  prince,  or  foreign  state  ;  nor  shall  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  or  any  of  them,  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

§  2.  No  two  or  more  states  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confedera- 
tion, or  alliance  whatever,  between  them,  without  the  consent  of  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  specifying  accurately  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  same  is  to  be  entered  into,  and  how  long  it  shall 
continue. 

§  3.  No  state  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  which  may  interfere 
with  any  stipulations  in  treaties  entered  into  by  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  with  any  king,  prince,  or.,  state,  in  pursuance  of 
any  treaties  already  proposed  by  Congress  to  the  courts  of  Prance  and 
Spain. 

§  4.  No  vessels  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by  any 
state,  except  such  number  only  as  shall  be  deepied  necessary  by  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  for  the  defence  of  such  state,  or 
its  trade ;  nor  shall  any  body  of  forces  be  kept  up  by  any  state,  in 
time  of  peace,  except  such  number  only  as,  in  the  judgment  of  the 


ARTICLES    OF    CONTEDERATIO.V.  I  I 

United  States  iu  Congress  assembled,  shall  be  deemed  reqrisite  to 
garrison  the  forts  necessary  for  the  defence  of  such  state  ;  but  every 
itate  shall  always  keep  up  a  well  regulated  and  disciplined  militia, 
sufficiently  armed  and  accoutred,  and  shall  provide  and  constartly  have 
ready  for  use,  in  public  stores,  a  due  number  of  field-pieces  and' tents, 
and  a  proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  camp  equipage. 

g  5.  No  state  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent  of  thft 
United  State  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  state  be  actually  in- 
vaded by  enemies,  or  shall  have  received  certain  advice  of  a  resolution 
being  formed  by  some  nation  of  Indians  to  invade  such  state,  and  the 
danger  is  so  imminent  as  not  to  admit  of  delay  till  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled  can  be  consulted ;  nor  shall  any  state  grant 
commissions  to  any  ships  or  vessels  of  war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or 
reprisal,  except  it  be  after  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  Statre 
in  Congress  assembled,  and  then  only  against  the  kingdom  or  state, 
and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which  war  has  been  so  declared,  and 
under  such  regulations  aa  shall  be  established  by  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  state  be  infested  by  pirates,  in  which 
case  vessels  of  war  may  be  fitted  out  for  that  occasion,  and  kept  ?o 
long  as  the  danger  shall  continue,  or  until  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled  shall  determine  otherwise. 

Art.  7.  When  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  state  for  the  common 
defence,  all  officers  of  or  under  the  rank  of  colonel,  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  legislature  of  each  state  respectively  by  whom  such  forces  shall 
be  raised,  or  in  such  manner  as  such  state  shall  direct,  and  all  vacan- 
cies shall  be  filled  up  by  the  state  which  first  made  the  appointment. 

Art.  8.  All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  expenses  that  shall  be  in- 
curred for  the  common  defence  or  general  welfare,  and  allowed  by  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  com- 
mon treasury,  which  shall  be  supplied  by  the  several  states,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  value  of  all  land  within  each  state,  granted  to  or 
surveyed  for  any  person,  as  such  land  and  the  buildings  and  improve- 
/nents  thereon  shall  be  estimated,  according  to  such  mode  as  the  Uni- 
ted States  in  Congress  assembled  shall,  from  time  to  time,  direct  and 
appoint.  The  taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and 
levied  by  the  authority  and  tlirection  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several 
states  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled. 

Art.  9.  §  1.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have 
the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  determining  on  peace  and 
war,  except  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  sixth  article,  of  sending  and 
receiving  ambassadors  ;  entering  into  treaties  and  alliances,  provided 
that  no  treaty  of  commerce  shall  be  made,  whereby  the  legislative 
power  of  the  respective  states  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such 
imposts  and  duties  on  foreigners,  as  tlieir  own  people  are  subjected  to, 
or  from  prohibiting  the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  ppecies  of 
goods  or  commodities  whatsoever  ;  of  establishing  rules  for  deciding  it 
atl  cases  what  captures  on  land  or  water  shall  be  legal,  and  in  what 


12  ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION. 

manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  naval  forces  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  divided  or  appropriated  ;  of  granting  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal  in  times  of  peace ;  appointing  courts  for  the  trial 
of  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas  ;  and  establishing 
courts  for  receiving  and  determining  finally  appeals  in  all  cases  of  cap- 
ture ;  provided  that  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be  appointed  a  judge 
of  any  of  the  said  courts. 

g  2.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  be  the  last 
resort  on  appeal  in  all  disputes  and  differences  now  subsisting,  or  that 
hereafter  may  a/ise  between  two  or  more  states  concerning  boundary, 
jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause  whatever ;  which  authority  shall  al- 
ways be  exercised  in  the  manner  following :  Whenever  the  legislative 
or  executive  authority  or  lawful  agent  of  any  state  in  controversy  with 
another,  shall  present  a  petition  to  Congress,  stating  the  matter  in 
question,  and  praying  for  a  hearing,  notice  thereof  shall  be  given  by 
order  of  Congress  to  the  legislative  or  executive  authority  of  the  other 
state  in  controversy,  and  a  day  assigned  for  the  appearance  of  the 
parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who  shall  then  be  directed  to  appoint, 
by  joint  consent,  commissioners  or  judges  to  constitute  a  court  for 
hearing  ',nd  determining  the  matter  in  question  ;  but  if  they  cannot 
agree,  Cvingress  shall  name  three  persons  out  of  each  of  the  United 
States.  Slid  from  the  list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall  alternately 
strike  ot  t  one,  the  petitioners  beginning,  until  the  number  shall  be 
reduced  to  thirteen  ;  and  from  that  number  not  less  than  seven,  nor 
more  tbdn  nine  names,  as  Congress  shall  direct,  shall,  in  the  presence 
of  Congress,  be  drawn  out  by  lot ;  and  the  persons  whose  names  shall 
be  so  drawn,  or  any  five  of  them,  shall  be  commissioners  or  judges, 
to  hear  and  finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always  as  a  major 
part  o!  the  judges,  who  shall  hear  the  cause,  shall  agree  in  the  deter- 
mination :  and  if  either  party  shall  neglect  to  attend  at  the  day  ap- 
pointed, without  showing  reasons  which  Congress  shall  judge  suflScietrt, 
or  being  present,  shall  refuse  to  strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed  to 
nominate  three  persons  out  of  each  state,  and  the  secretary  of  Congress 
shall  strike  in  behalf  of  such  party  absent  or  refusing  ;  and  the  judg- 
ment and  sentence  of  the  court,  to  be  appointed  in  the  manner  before 
prescribed,  shall  be  final  and  conclusive  ;  and  if  any  of  the  parties  shall 
refuse  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  such  court,  or  to  appear  or  defend 
their  claim  or  cause,  the  court  shall  nevertheless  proceed  to  pronounce 
sentence,  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like  manner  be  final  and  decisive ; 
the  judgment  or  sentence  and  other  proceedings  being  in  either  case 
transmitted  to  Congress,  and  lodged  among  the  acts  of  Congress,  for 
the  sacurity  of  the  parties  concerned :  provided,  that  every  comm.is- 
sioner,  before  he  sits  in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath,  to  be  adminis- 
tered by  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  or  superior  court  of  the  state 
.vhere  the  cause  shall  be  tried,  "  well  and  truly  to  hear  and  determine 
the  matter  in  question,  according  to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  without 
favor,  affection,  or  hope  of  reward."  Provided,  also,  that  no  state 
ehall  be  deprived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 


ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.  13 

J  51.  All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil  claimed 
under  different  grants  of  two  or  more  states,  whose  jurisdiction,  as 
they  may  respect  such  lands,  and  the  states  which  passed  such  grants 
arc  adjusted,  the  said  grants  or  either  of  them  being  at  the  same  time 
claimed  to  have  originated  antecedent  to  such  settlement  of  jurisdic- 
tion, shall,  on  the  petition  of  either  party  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  be  finally  determined,  as  near  as  may  be,  in  the  same  manner 
as  is  before  prescribed  for  deciding  disputes  respecting  territoi'ial 
jurisdiction  between  different  states. 

2  4.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  have  tho 
sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy  and  value 
of  coin  struck  by  their  own  authority,  or  by  that  of  the  respective 
states ;  fixing  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures  throughout  the 
United  States ;  regulating  the  trade,  and  managing  all  affairs  with  the 
Indians,  not  memberi  of  any  of  the  states  ;  provided  that  the  legisla- 
tive right  of  any  state,  within  its  own  limits,  be  not  infringed  or  vio- 
lated ;  establishing  and  regulating  post  offices  from  one  state  to  an- 
other throughout  all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such  postage  on 
the  papers  passing  through  the  same,  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  said  office  ;  appointing  all  officers  of  the  land  forces  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  excepting  regimental  officers  ;  ap- 
pointing all  the  officers  of  the  naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all 
officers  whatever  in  the  service  of  the  United  States ;  making  rules  for 
the  government  and  regulation  of  the  said  land  and  naval  forces,  and 
directing  their  operations. 

I  5.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have  authority 
to  appoint  a  committee  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be  de- 
nominated, '•  A  Committee  of  the  States,"  and  to  consist  of  one  delegate 
from  ench  state  ;  and  to  appoint  such  other  committees  and  civil  offi- 
cers as  may  be  necessary  for  managing  the  general  affairs  of  the  United 
States  under  their  direction  ;  to  appoint  one  of  their  number  to  pre- 
side ;  provided  that  no  person  be  allowed  to  serve  in  the  office  of 
president  more  than  one  year  in  any  term  of  three  years  ;  to  ascertain 
the  necessary  sums  of  money  to  be  raised  for  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defraying  the  public 
expenses ;  to  borrow  money  or  emit  bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  transmitting  every  half-year  to  the  respective  states  an  account 
of  the  sums  of  money  so  borrowed  or  emitted ;  to  build  and  equip  a 
navy ;  to  agree  upon  the  number  of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisi- 
tions from  each  state  for  its  quota,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of 
white  inhabitants  in  such  state,  which  requisition  shall  be  binding ; 
and  thereupon  the  legislature  of  each  state  shall  appoint  the  regimental 
officers,  raise  the  men,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  them,  in  a  soldier  like 
manner,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  offic(?rs  and 
men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed, and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled  ;  but  if  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall, 
on  consideration  of  circuras^ADces,  judge  proper  that  any  state  should 


14,  ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION. 

not  raise  men,  or  should  raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  auLl 
that  any  other  state  should  raise  a  greater  number  of  men  than  tlic 
quota  thereof,  such  extra  number  shall  be  raised,  officered,  clothed, 
armed,  and  equipped  in  the  same  manner  as  the  quota  of  such  stair, 
unless  the  legislature  of  such  state  shall  judge  that  such  extra  numbt  r 
cannot  be  safely  spared  out  of  the  same,  in  which  case  they  shall  rais  ■, 
officer,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip,  as  many  of  such  extra  number  as  they 
judge  can  be  safely  spared,  and  the  officers  and  men  so  clothed,  armed, 
and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed,  and  within  the  t'lnvi 
agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

^  6.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  never  engage  in 
a  war,  nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of  peace,  nor 
enter  into  any  treaties  or  alliances,  nor  coin  money,  nor  regulate  the 
value  thereof,  nor  ascertain  the  sums  and  expenses  necessary  for  th^; 
defence  and  welfare  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit  bills, 
nor  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate 
money,  nor  agree  upon  the  number  of  vessels  of  war  to  be  built  or 
purchased,  or  the  number  of  land  or  sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor  ap- 
point a  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  or  navy,  unless  nine  states 
assent  to  the  same  :  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other  point,  except 
for  adjourning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined,  unless  by  the  votes  of 
a  majority  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

g  7.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to  adjourn 
to  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place  within  the  United 
States,  so  that  no  period  of  adjournment  be  for  a  longer  duration  than 
the  space  of  six  months,  and  shall  publish  the  journal  of  their  pro- 
ceedings monthly,  except  such  parts  thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alli- 
ances, or  military  operations,  as  in  their  judgment  require  secrecy ; 
and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  delegates  of  each  state,  on  any  question, 
shall  be  entered  on  the  journal,  when  it  is  desired  by  any  delegate  ; 
and  the  delegates  of  a  state,  or  any  of  them,  at  his  or  their  request, 
shall  be  furnished  with  a  transcript  of  the  said  journal,  except  such 
parts  as  are  above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  legislatures  of  the 
several  states. 

Art.  10.  The  committee  of  the  states,  or  any  nine  of  them,  shall  be 
authorized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  such  of  the  powers 
of  Congress  as  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  by  the  con- 
sent of  nine  states,  shall,  from  time  to  time,  think  expedient  to  vest 
them  with  ;  provided  that  no  power  be  delegated  to  the  said  commit- 
tee, for  the  exercise  of  which,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the 
voice  of  nine  states,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled, 
is  requisite. 

Art.  11.  Canada  acceding  to  this  confederation,  and  joining  in 
the  measures  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted  into  and  entitled 
to  all  the  advantages  of  this  Union  :  But  no  other  colony  shall  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  same,  unless  such  admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  states. 
Art.  12.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  moneys  borrowed,  and  debts 
contracted  by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  before  the  assembling 


ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.  15 

of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  the  present  confederation,  shall 
be  deemed  and  considered  as  a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for 
payment  and  satisfaction  whereof  the  said  United  States  and  the 
public  faith  are  hereby  solemnly  pledged. 

Art.  13.  Every  state  shall  abide  by  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  in  all  questions  which  by  this  confed- 
eration are  submitted  to  them.  And  the  articles  of  this  confederation 
shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  every  state,  and  the  union  shall  be  per- 
petual ;  nor  shall  any  alteration  at  any  time  hereafter  be  made  in  any 
of  them  ;  unless  such  alteration  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  be  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  legislature  of 
every  state. 

And  whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the  world  to 
incline  the  hearts  of  the  legislatures  we  respectively  represent  in  Con- 
gress to  approve  of,  and  to  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  said  Articles  of 
Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union,  Know  ye,  that  we,  the  undersigned 
delegates,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  that 
purpose,  do  by  these  presents,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  re- 
spective constituents,  fully  and  entirely  ratify  and  confirm  each  and 
every  of  the  Si*\d  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union,  and  all 
and  singular  the  matters  and  things  therein  contained.  And  we  do 
further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective  coa- 
Btituents,  that  they  shall  abide  by  the  determinations  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  in  all  questions  which  by  the  said  cun- 
federation  are  submitted  to  them  ;  and  that  the  articles  thereof  shall 
be  inviolably  observed  by  the  states  we  respectively  represent,  and 
that  the  union  shall  be  perpetual.  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  here- 
onto  set  our  hands  in  Congress. 

Done  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  the  9th  day  of 
July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1778,  and  in  the  third  year  of  th« 
Independence  of  America. 

New  Hampshire.  Henry  Marchant, 

„  John  Collins. 

JosiAH  Bartlett, 

JoHNWENTWORTH,jun.  Connecticut. 

Massachusetts  Bay.  Roger  Sherman, 

Samuel  Huntington, 
John  Hancock,  Oliver  Wolcott, 

Samokl  Adams,       '  Titus  Hosmer, 

Elbridge  Gerry,  Andrew  Adams. 

Francis  Dana, 

James  Lovel,  New  York. 

Sauuel  Holten. 

James  Duank, 
Rhode  Island,  tfc.  Fra.  Lewis, 

William  Dcbr, 
William  Elj^ert,  Gouv.  Morris. 


Ifi 


ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION. 


New  Jersey. 

Jno.  Witherspoow, 
Nath.  Scudder. 


Penn»ylvania. 

Robert  Morris, 
p\niel  roberdeau, 
JoxA  Bayard  Smith, 
William  Clinqan, 
Joseph  Reed. 


Delaware. 

Thomas  M'Kean, 
John  Dickinson, 
Nicholas  Van  Dyke. 


Maryland. 

John  Hanson, 
Daniel  Carroll 


Virginia. 

Richard  Henry  Lee, 
John  Banister, 
Thomas  Adams, 
Jno.  Haryie, 
Francis  Lightfo«*t  Lee, 

North  Carolina 

John  Penn, 
Cons.  Harnett, 
Jno.  Williams. 

South  Carolina, 

Henry  Laurens, 
Wm.  Henry  Drayton, 
Jno.  Matthews, 
Richard  Hutson, 
Thos.  Heyward,  jun. 

Georgia. 

Jno.  Walton, 
Edward  Telfair, 
Sdward  LANQWOBnre; 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

iN  OONGREBS— THURSDAY,  JULY  4,  1770. 

'*..»»iRF.ABLT  to  the  order  of  the  day,  the  Congress  resolved  itself 
L«<«  A  eutrmittee  of  the  whole,  to  take  into  their  further  consideratiou 
lnv»  »>eciaration  ;  and  after  some  time  the  President  resumed  the  chair, 
ftiKi  Mr.  Harrison  reported  that  the  committee  had  agreed  to  a  dec- 
laiation,  which  they  desired  him  to  report.  (The  committee  consisted 
of  Jefferson,  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Sherman,  and  R.  R.  Livingston  ) 

The  Deckration  being  read,  was  agreed  to,  as  follows : 

A    DECLARATION 

BY  THE  REPKESENTATITES  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES  OP  AMERICA, 
m  CONGRESS  ASSEMBLED. 

When,  in  the  coarse  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one 
people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them  with 
another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate 
and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God 
entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unaliena- 
ble rights ;  that  among  these,  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness. That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ; 
that,  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these 
ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  insti- 
tute a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and 
organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely 
to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate 
that  governments  long  established,  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes ;  and,  accordingly,  all  experience  hath  shown,  that 
mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than 
to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed. But,  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under  ab- 
solute despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  tlirow  off  such 
government,  and  to  piovide  new  guards  for  their  future  security. 
Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies,  and  such  is  now 
the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  systems  of 
government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  t\ 
history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having,  in  direct 
object,  the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  states.  To 
orove  thifl,  let  facta  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world : 


\'\.  UKCLARATIO.N    OF    IXDEPENDNCE. 

He  has  i-efused  lis  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary 
for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and 
pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  assent 
should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected 
to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large 
districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  ol 
representation  in  the  legislature ;  a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and 
formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncom- 
fortable, and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  public  records,  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his  measures 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing,  with 
manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause 
others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of 
annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  large  for  their  exercise ; 
the  state  remaining,  in  the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  danger  of 
invasion  from  without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  states ;  for 
that  purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of  foreigners  ; 
refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising 
the  conditions  of  new  appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his 
assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the  tenure  of 
their  ofiBces,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms 
of  officers  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  without 
the  consent  of  our  legislature. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and  superior 
to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined,  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws  ;  giving  hi8 
assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  : 

Fc  r  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  ; 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment,  for  any 
murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  states  ; 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  ; 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent ; 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by.  jury ; 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  oflences ; 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighboring 
province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging 
Its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument 
for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  colonies  ; 


DECLARATION     Oir'    i  >  liKIKMiLNCK.  TO 

For  lakiug  away  6ur  charters,  abolishing  our  most  vuluabio  ]aw8, 
and  altering,  fundamentally,  the  powers  of  our  govcninients  ; 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  thomsoives 
invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  pro- 
tection, and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and 
destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries 
to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already 
begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in 
the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized 
nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high 
seas,  to  bear  arms  against  thwr  country,  to  become  the  executioners  of 
their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  endeav- 
ored to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian 
savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruc- 
tion, of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned  for  redress, 
in  the  most  humble  terms  ;  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered 
only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked 
by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a 
free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting-  in  attention  to  our  British  brethren. 
We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts  made  by  their 
legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  "We  have 
reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement 
here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justic-e  and  magnanimity,  and 
we  have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to  disavow 
theee  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections 
and  correspondence.  They,  too,  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice 
and  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity, 
which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of 
mankind,  enemies  in  war — in  peace,  friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  UNITED  STATES  Oi' 
AMERICA,  in  GENERAL  CONGRESS  assembled,  appealing  to 
the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  World  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
do,  in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare.  That  these  United  Colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be.  Free  and  Independent  States  ;  that 
they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britam.  is, 
and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that,  as  FREE  AND  INDE- 
PENDENT STATES,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  estai)lish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts 
and   things   which   INDEPENDENT   STATES   may  of  right  do 


20 


DKCLARATION    OF    INDEPENDNCE, 


And,  for  tlie  support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the 
protection  of  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE,  we  mutually  pledge  to 
efich  other,  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor. 

The  foregoing  Declaration  was,  by  order  of  Congress,  engrossed,  and 
signed  by  the  following  members : 

Next)  Hampshire. 

JOSIAH  BaRTLETT, 

W^iLLiAM  Whipple, 
Matthew  Thornton. 

Rhode  Island. 
Stephen  Hopkins, 

•ViLLIAM  ElLERY. 

Connecticut. 

Roger  Sherman, 
Samuel  Huntington, 
William  Williams, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 

New  Ym-Jc. 

William  Flotd, 
Philip  Livingston, 
Francis  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 

New  Jersey. 

Richard  Stockton, 
John  Witherspoon, 
Francis  Hopkinsox, 
•John  Hart, 
Abraham  Clark. 

Pennsylvania. 

Robert  Morris, 
BEXJAjnN  Rush, 
P>en,tajiin-  Franklin 
John  Morton, 
Geoegk  Clymer, 
James  Smith, 
George  Taylor, 
James  Wilsov, 
'^vjorge  RoSfIL 


JOHN  HANCOCK. 

Massachusetts  Bay. 

Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine 
Elbridge  Gerry. 

Delaware. 

C^SAR  Rodney, 
George  Read, 
Thomas  M'Kean. 

Maryland. 

Samuel  Chase, 

William  Paca, 

Thomas  Stone, 

Charles  CARROLti,  of  CarrcJItOB 

Virginia. 

George  Wythe, 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 
Thomas  Nelson,  Jun. 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 
Carter  Braxton, 

North  Carolina. 

William  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hewes, 
John  Penn, 

South  Carolina. 

Edward  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Heyward,  Juk 
Thomas  Lynch,  Jun. 
Arthur  Middleton. 

Georgia. 
Button  Gwinnett, 
Lyman  Hall, 
George  Walton 


THE  JEFFERSONIAN  ORDNANCE  OF  1784 

On  the  1st  of  March,  1784.  less  than  one  hundred  davs  after  the 
Evacuation  of  our  soil  by  the  British  army,  'I'homas  Jeffer-nu.  from  a 
Committee,  consisting  of  himself,  Mr.  Chase,  of  Md.,  and  Mr.  H'lwil', 
of  R.  I.,  (a  majority  being  from  Southern  States.)  reported  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  the  following  Ordinance  for  the  government  ui  (;/'  uicj 
National  Territory  outside  the  limits  of  the  States.  As  raapy  liuv? 
understood  this  only  to  apply  to  the  North-Western  Territory,  wj 
insert  it  in  full : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  territorij  ceded,  or  to  he  ceded  by  indivvhml 
Slates  to  the  United  States,  whensoever  the  same  shall  have  been  pin- 
chased  of  the  Indian  innabitants  and  offered  for  sale  by  the  United 
States,  shall  be  formed  into  additional  States,  bounded  in  the  following 
manner,  as  nearly  as  such  cessions  will  admit ;  that  is  to  say,  north- 
wardly and  southwardly  by  parallels  of  latitude,  so  that  each  State 
shall  c<  mprehend  from  south  to  north,  two  degrees  of  latitude,  begin- 
ning to  count  from  the  completion  of  thirty-one  degrees  north  of  the 
equator;  [the  then  Southern  boundary  of  the  U.  S.]  but  any  territory 
northwardly  of  the  forty-seventh  degree  shall  make  part  of  the  State 
next  be.'ow.  And  eastwardly  and  westwardly  they  shall  be  bounded, 
tliose  on  the  Mississippi,  by  that  ri^er  on  one  side,  and  the  meridian 
of  the  Icwest  point  of  the  rapids  ot  the  Ohio  on  the  other  :  and  those 
adjoining  on  the  east,  by  the  same  meridian  on  the  western  side,  and 
on  the  eastern  by  the  meridian  of  the  western  cape  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Great  Kanawha..  And  the  territory  eastward  of  this  last  meridian, 
b' tw<en  the  Ohio,  Lake  Erie,  and  Pennsylvania,  shall  be  one  State. 

••  That  the  settlers  within  the  territory  so  to  be  purchased  and  offered 
for  sa'e  shall,  either  on  their  own  petition  or  on  the  order  of  Congress, 
rea>i\e  authnrity  from  them,  with  appointments  of  time  and  place,  lor 
the'r  free  nia'es  of  full  age  to  meet  together  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
a  temporary  government,  to  adopt  the  constitution  and  laws  of  any  one 
of  these  States,  so  that  such  laws  nevertheless  shall  be  .subject  to  altera- 
tion by  their  ordinary  Legislature,  and  to  erect,  subject  to  a  like  altera- 
tion, counties  or  townships  for  the  election  of  members  for  their  Legis 
lature. 

"  That  such  temporary  government  shall  only  continue  in  force  in 
any  State  until  it  shall  have  acquired  twenty  thousand  free  inhabitants, 
when,  giving  due  proof  thereof  to  Congress,  they  shall  receive  from 
them  authority,  with  appointments  of  time  and  place,  to  call  a  conven- 
tion of  representatives  to  establish  a  permanent  constitution  and  gov- 
ernment for  themselves  :  provided,  That  both  the  temporary  ami  per- 
manent governments  be  established  on  these  principles  as  their  basis  : 

"  1.  That  they  shall  forever  remain  a  part  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

•'  2.  That  in  their  persons,  property,  and  territory,  they  shall  be  snb* 


22  JEFFERSONIAN    ORDINANCE. 

ject  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
and  to  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  all  those  cases  in  which  the 
original  States  shall  be  so  subject. 

'•  3.  That  they  shall  be  subject  to  pay  a  part  of  the  Federal  debts, 
contracted  or  to  be  contracted,  to  be  apportioned  on  them  by  Congress, 
according  to  the  same  common  rule  and  measure  by  which  apportion- 
ments thereof  shall  be  made  on  the  other  States. 

"  4.  That  their  respective  governments  shall  be  in  republican  forms 
and  shall  admit  no  person  to  be  a  citizen  who  holds  any  hereditary  title 

"  5.  That  after  the  year  1800  of  the  Christian  era,  there  shall  be  neither 
slavery  7ior  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the  said  States,  otherwise 
than  in  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted  to  have  been  personally  guilty. 

"  That  whenever  any  of  the  said  States  shall  have,  of  free  inhabi- 
tants, as  many  as  shall  then  be  in  any  one  of  the  least  numerous  of  tha 
thirteen  original  States,  such  State  shall  be  admitted  by  its  Delegates 
into  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  an  equal  footing  with  tht 
said  original  States  ;  after  which  the  assent  of  two-thirds  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled, -shall  be  requisite  in  all  those  cases 
wherein,  by  the  Confederation,  the  assent  of  nine  States  is  now  re- 
quired, provided  the  consent  of  nine  States  to  such  admission  may  be 
obtained  according  to  the  eleventh  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 
Until  such  admission  by  their  Delegates  into  Congress,  any  of  the  said 
States,  after  the  establishment  of  their  temporary  government,  shall 
have  authority  to  keep  a  sitting  member  in  Congress,  with  a  right  ol 
debating,  but  not  of  voting. 

"  That  the  territory  northward  of  the  forty-fifth  degree,  that  is  to 
say,  of  the  completion  of  forty-five  degrees  from  the  equator,  and  ex- 
tending to  the  Lake  of  the  AVoods,  shall  be  called  Sylvania ;  that  of 
the  territory  under  the  forty-fifth  and  forty-fourth  degree,  that  which 
lies  westward  of  Lake  Michigan,  shall  be  called  Michigania  ;  and  that 
which  is  eastward  thereof,  within  the  peninsula  formed  by  the  lakes 
and  waters  of  Michigan,  Huron,  St.  Clair,  and  Erie,  shall  be  called 
Chersunesus,  and  shall  include  any  part  of  the  peninsula  which  may 
extend  above  the  forty-fifth  degree.  Of  the  territory  under  the  forty- 
third  and  forty-second  degi-ees,  that  to  the  westward,  through  v.hich 
the  Assenisipi  or  Kock  River  runs,  shall  be  called  Assenesipia  ;  and 
that  to  the  eastward,  in  which  are  the  fountains  of  the  Muskingum,  the 
■two  Miamies  of  the  Ohio,  the  Wabash,  the  Illinois,  the  Miami  of  the 
Lake,  and  the  Sandusky  river,  shall  be  called  Metropotamia.  Of  the 
territory  which  lies  under  the  forty-first  and  fortieth  degrees,  the  west- 
ern, through  which  the  river  Illinois  runs,  shall  be  called  lUinoia  ;  that 
next  adjoining  to  the  eastwai'd,  Saratoga ;  and  that  between  this  last 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  extending  from  the  Ohio  to  Lake  Brie,  shall 
be  called  JFas/img^on.  Of  the  territory  which  lies  under  the  thirty- 
ninth  and  thirty -eight  degree,  to  which  shall  be  added  so  much  of  the 
point  of  land  within  the  fork  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  as  lies  un- 
de'  the  thirty-seventh  degree  ;  that   to  the  v,'estward   within  and   ad- 


JEFFERSONIAN    ORDINANCE.  23 

jacent  to  which  are  the  confluences  of  the  rivers  Wabash,  Shawauee, 
Tanisee,  Ohio,  Illinois,  Mississippi,  and  Missouri,  shall  be  called  Poly- 
potania  ;  and  that  to  the  eastward,  further  up  the  Ohio,  otherwiBe 
called  the  Pelisipi,  shall  be  called  Pelisipia. 

"  That  all  the  preceding  articles  shall  be  formed  mto  a  charter  of  com- 
pact, shall  be  duly  executed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  under  his  hand  and  the  seal  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  promulgated,  and  shall  stand  as  fundaincntal  conditions  between 
the  thirteen  original  States  and  those  newly  described,  unalterable  but 
by  the  joint  consent  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  and 
of  the  particular  State  within  which  such  alteration  is  proposed  to  bo 
made." 

On  a  test  vote  on  adopting  the  anti-slavery  provision  above,  sixteen 
voted  aye,  and  seven  no  ;  but  the  requisite  majority  of  States  failing 
to  vote  in  the  affirmative,  it  was  lost.  And  three  years  later,  the 
Ordinance  of  1787,  for  the  Northwestern  Territoi'y  alone,  was 
adopted. 

Forty-two  years  afterwards,  Mr.  Jefferson,  only  six  weeks  before  he 
died,  wrote  as  follows,  in  reply  to  a  letter  asking  his  views  in  regard 
to  the  ultimate  eradication  of  slavery  from  the  country. 

MoNTiCELLO,  May  26th,  1826. 

Dear  Sir  :  The  subject  of  your  letter  of  April  20th,  is  one  on 
which  I  do  not  permit  myself  to  express  an  opinion,  but  when  time, 
place,  and  occasion,  may  give  it  some  tavorable  effect.  A  good  cause 
is  often  injured  more  by  ill-timed  efforts  of  its  friends  than  by  the 
arguments  of  its  enemies.  Persuasion,  perseverance,  and  patience  are 
the  best  advocates  on  questions  depending  on  the  will  of  others.  The 
revolution  in  public  opinion  which  this  case  requires  is  not  to  be  expected 
in  a  day,  or  perhaps  in  an  age  ;  but  time  which  outlives  all  things,  will 
outlive  this  evil  also.  My  sentiments  have  been  forty  years  before 
t/ie  public,  and  had  I  repeated  them  forty  times,  they  would  only  be- 
come the  more  stale  and  threadbare.  Although  I  shall  not  live  to  see 
(hem  consummated,  they  will  not  die  with  me ;  but,  livirnj;  or  dynig, 
they  will  ever  be  in  my  most  fervent  prayers.  This  is  written  for  your- 
self, and  not  for  the  public,  in  compliance  of  your  request  of  two'liues 
of  sentiment  on  the  subject.  Accept  the  assurance  of  my  good  will 
and  respect. 

THOS.  JEFFERSON. 

Mr.  Jas.  Heaton,  Middletown,  Butler  coimty,  Ohio. 


34  THK    CONSTtT0TIONr. 

CONSTITUTION 


OF   THE 


UNITED    STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


We  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for 
the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and 
establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

ARTICLE    I. 

Section  1.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested 
In  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives. 

Sec.  2.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  mem- 
bers cliosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States, 
and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite 
for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of 
that  State  in  which  he  sliall  bo  chosen. 

Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according 
to  their  respective  nnmbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to 
the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service 
for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of 
111]  other  persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three 
years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as 
they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not 
exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at 
least  one  Representative ;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made, 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  three,  Mas- 
Bachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations  one,  Con- 
necticut five,  New  York  six.  New  Jersey  four,  Pennsylvania  eight, 
Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten,  North  Carolina  five,  South 
Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  f^tate,  the 
Executive  Authority  thereof  shall  issue  Writs  of  Election  to  fill  such 
vacancies. 


THE    COKSTITUTIOR  2o 

The  House  of  Represeotatives  shall  choose  tlieir  Speaker  and  othei 
officers  ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  inipeachnient. 

Sec.  3.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  six 
years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first 
election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
Tlie  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  fii-st  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the 
expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration 
of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the 
sixth  year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year ;  and 
if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess 
of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Executive  thereof  may  make  tem- 
porary appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which 
shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State 
for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of  the 
Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  President 
pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Yice-Presideut,  or  when  he  shall 
exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
WTien  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation. 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice 
shall  preside  :  And  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concur- 
rence of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than 
io  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any 
office  of  honor,  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States ;  but  the 
party  convicted  shall  Bevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment, 
trial,  judgment  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Sec.  4.  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the 
Legislature  thereof ;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make 
or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Senators. 

The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such 
meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall 
by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Sec.  5.  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns, 
and  qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall 
constitute  a  quorum  to  do  busiress;  but  a  smaller  number  may  ad- 
journ from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attend- 
ance of  absent  members,  in  such  manner  and  under  such  penalties  an 
each  House  may  provide. 

Each  House  may  determine  the  Rules  of  its  Proceedings,  punish  iti 


26  THE    CONSTITDTION. 

mbmbers  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two 
thirds,  expel  a  member. 

Each  House  shall  keep  a  Journal  of  its  Proceedings,  and  from  time 
to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  theii 
judgment  require  secrecy  ;  and  the  Yeas  and  Nays  of  the  members 
of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one-fifth  of 
those  present,  be  entered  on  the  Journal. 

Neither  House,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  co  any 
other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Sec.  6.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compen- 
sation for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law  and  paid  out  of  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except  treason, 
felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during 
their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going 
to  and  returning  from  the  same  ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House,  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he 
was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created  or  the  emoluments 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time  ;  and  no  person 
holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either 
House  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

Sec.  7.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House 
of  Representatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with 
amendments  as  on  other  bills. 

Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  becomes  a  law,  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  :  If  he  approve,  he  shall  sign  it ;  but  if 
not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that  House  in  which  it 
shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their 
Journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If,  after  such  reconsideration, 
two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent, 
together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which  it  shall 
likewise  be  reconsidered,  and,  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that  House, 
it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both 
Houses  shall  be  determind  by  Yeas  and  Nays,  and  the  names  of  the 
persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  Journal 
of  each  House  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by 
the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have 
been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like  manner  as  if 
he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  it? 
return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a 
question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States ;  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  ap- 
proved by  him  ;  or,  being  disapproved  by  him,  sliall  be  repassed  by  two- 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  27 

thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  according  to  tlia 
mles  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

Sec.  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  Power — 

To  lay  and  collect  Taxes,  Duties,  Imposts  and  Excises,  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the 
United  States  ;  but  all  Duties,  Imposts  aud  Excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  States  ; 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ; 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  8eTera\ 
States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes  ; 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform  laws 
on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States  ; 

To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof  aud  of  foreign  coin,  and 
fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures  ; 

To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and 
current  coin  of  the  United  States  ; 

To  establish  post  offices  and  post  roads  ; 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing 
for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to 
their  respective  -wTitings  and  discoveries  ; 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high 
seas,  and  oSences  against  the  law  of  nations  ; 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make 
rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water  ; 

To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to 
that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years  ; 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  na\^  ; 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and 
naval  forces  ; 

To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the 
Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions  ; 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and 
for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  accord 
iu"' to  the  discipline  prescribed  by  Congress  ; 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such 
district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  parti- 
cular States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  Seat  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over 
all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  ar- 
senals, dock-yards,  and  other  needful  buildings  ; — And 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying 
into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  Powers  vested  by 
this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any 
department  or  officer  thereof. 


28  THE  CONSTITUTION 

Sec.  9.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of 
the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
.and  eight,  but  a  lax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation, 
not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

The  privilege  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  shall  not  be  suspended, 
unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may 
require  it. 

No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

No  capitation,  or  other  direct,  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  propor- 
tion to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  oi 
revenue  to  the  ports  of  ooe  State  over  those  of  another ;  nor  shall 
vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay 
duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury  but  in  consequence  of 
appropriations  made  by  law  ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account 
of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published 
from  time  to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States :  And 
no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  shall,  without 
the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  ofiBce, 
or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Sec.  10.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  con- 
federation ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money  ;  emit 
bills  of  credit ;  make  any  thing  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in 
payment  of  debts  ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  imposts 
or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  ne- 
cessary for  executing  its  inspection  laws  ;  and  the  net  produce  of  all 
duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be 
for  the  use  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of 
tonnage,  keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or 
engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  immment  danger  aa 
will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE    II. 

Section  1.  The  Executive  Power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the 
terra  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  choser  for 
the  same  term,  be  elected,  as  follows : 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof 
may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  Sena- 
tors and  Eepresentatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the 


THE    CONSTITUTION.  2V' 

Congress :  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding  ar. 
office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  Stat^..  shall  be  appointed 
an  Elector. 

[The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  Bal- 
lot for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of 
the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  malve  a  list  of  ail 
the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each  ;  which  list 
they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  tlie  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  Certificates,  and  the  votes  shall 
then  be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
ehall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  Electors  appointed  ;  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have 
Buch  majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  immediately  choose  by  Ballot  one  of  them  for 
President ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  high- 
est on  the  list  the  said  House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President. 
But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the 
Representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  A  Quorum  for  this 
purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the 
States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice 
In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person  having  the 
greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  Electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President. 
But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Se»- 
ate  shall  choose  from  them  by  Ballot  the  Yice-President.*] 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  Electors,  and 
the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes  ;  which  day  shall  be  the 
same  throughout  the  United  States. 

No  person  except  a  natural-born  Citizen,  or  a  Citizen  of  the  United 
States,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible 
to  the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that 
office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and 
been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death, 
resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resigna- 
iion,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring 
what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  ac- 
cordingly, until  the  disability  be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be 
elected. 

The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a  com- 
pensation, which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the 
period  for  which  he  shall  hare  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive 
within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  StatCvS,  oi 
any  ol'  them. 

*  Thif  clause  hag  been  superseded  and  annulled  by  the  12tb  yVrnendment 


30  THE    CONSTITUTION. 

Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  ofiSce,  k«  shall  take  the  fol- 
lowing oath  or  affirmation : 

'•  1  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  oificfi  of  Presidenl 
of  the  United  States,  and  wUl,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defe-o^ 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Sec.  2.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  Militia  of  the  several  States, 
ti'hen  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  ;  he  may 
require  the  opinion,  m  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the 
Executive  Departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their 
respective  offices  ;  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and 
pardons  for  offences  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of 
[mpeachment. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  Treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present 
concur  ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers 
and  Consuls,  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided 
for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  law  :  but  the  Congress  may  by 
law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers  as  they  think  propet 
in  the  President  alone,  in  the  Com'ts  of  Law,  or  in  the  Heads  of 
Departments. 

The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 
happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions, 
which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sec.  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration 
such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he  may,  on 
extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of  them ;  and 
in  case  of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  ad- 

{"ournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper  ; 
le  shall  receive  Ambassadors  and  other  public  Ministers ;  he  shall 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all 
the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  Civil  Officers  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and 
conviction  of.  Treason,  Bribery,  or  other  high  Crimes  and  Mis- 
demeanors. 

ARTICLE    III. 

Section  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in 
one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  Courts  as  the  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The  Judges,  both  of  the 
Supreme  and  inferior  Courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  be- 
havior, and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their  services  a  compensa- 
tion, which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Skc.  2.  The  judicial  power   shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  Law  ani 


THE    CONSTITUTION.  31 

Equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  Laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  'rreutics  made,  or  which  sliall  be  made,  under  their  authority ; — 
to  ail  cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers,  and  Con- 
suls ; — to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction  ; — to  con- 
troversies to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party  ; — -to  contro- 
versies between  two  or  more  States  ; — between  a  State  and  citizens  of 
another  State  ; — between  citizens  of  different  States  ;— between  citizens 
of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens  or 
subjects. 

In  all  cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers  and  Con 
.'^uls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court 
shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mention- 
ed, the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to 
law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions  and  under  such  regulations  aa 
the  Congress  shall  make. 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  Impeachment,  shall  be  by 
jury  ;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes 
shall  have  been  committed  ;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  State, 
the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law 
have  directed. 

Sec.  3.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in 
levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them 
aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on 
the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession 
in  open  Court. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason 
but,  no  Attainder  of  Treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  fur- 
feiture,  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE    IV. 

Section  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the 
public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State. 
And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which 
Buch  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect 
thereof. 

Sec.  2.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime, 
who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall,  on 
demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be 
delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the 
crime. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  reg- 
ulation therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 
delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may 
be  doe. 


32  THE    tOXSTITUTION, 

Sec.  3.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  thi* 
Union  ;  but  no  uev,  State  sliall  be  formed  or  erected  within  tha  juris- 
diction of  any  other  State  ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction 
of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned,  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful 
rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  be- 
longing to  the  United  States  ;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
any  particular  State. 

Sec.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this 
Union  a  republican  form  of  Government,  and  shall  protect  each  of 
them  against  invasion  ;  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the 
Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against  domes- 
tic violence. 

ARTICLE    V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it 
accessary,  shall  propose  Amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the 
application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States, 
Bhall  call  a  Convention  for  proposing  Amendments,  which,  in  either 
case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution, when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several 
States,  or  by  Conventions  in  three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the 
other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress ; — 
Provided,  that  no  Amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  afifect  the 
first  and  fourth  Clauses  in  the  Ninth  Section  of  the  first  Article  ;  and 
that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suf- 
frage in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE     VI. 

All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before  the  adop- 
tion of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States, 
under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

This  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be 
made  in  pursuance  thereof ;  and  all  Treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be 
made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land  ;  and  the  Judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby, 
any  thing  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial 
officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  sliall  be 
bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Constitution  ;  but  no 
religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office 
or  public  trust  under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE   VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  he  sufficient 


THE    CONSTITUTION. 


for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratify- 
ing the  same. 

Doxio  in  Convention,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States  present, 
the  seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven,  and  of  the  Independ- 
ence of  the  United  States  of  America  the  twelfth.  In  Witness 
whereof,  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON, 
Presidt  and  Deputy  frtrn    Virginia 

New  Hampshire. 

Nicholas  Gilman 

Massachusetts. 

RuFus  King. 
Connecticut. 

RooER  Sherman. 

New  York. 


John  Lanqdon, 
Nathaniel  Gorham, 
Wm.  Saml.  Johnson, 
Alexander  Hamilton 


WiL :  Livingston. 
Wm.  Paterson, 

B.  Franklin, 
RoBT.  Morris, 
Tho:  Fitzsimonb, 
James  Wilson, 

Geo  :  Read, 
John  Dickinson, 
Jaco  :  Broom. 

James  M'Henry, 
Danl.  Carroll. 

John  Blair, 

Wm.  Blount, 
Hu.  Williamson. 

J.  Rutledge, 
Charles  Pincknet. 

William  Few, 
Attest: 


New  Jersey. 

David  Brearley, 
JoNA.  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania. 

Thomas  Miff-lin, 
Geo  :   Clymer, 
Jared  Ingersoll, 
Gouv  :  Morris. 

Delaware. 

Gunning  Bedford,  Jun'b. 
Richard  Bassett, 

Maryland. 

Dan  :  op  St.  'J'hos.  Jenifex. 

Virginia. 

James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina. 

Rich'  \>  Dobbs  Spaight, 

South  Carolina. 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney. 
Pierce  Butler. 

Geo)-gia. 

Abr.  Baldwin. 

WIIJJAM  JACKSON,  Secraar^ 


g4  IHE    CONSTITUTIUX. 


ARTICLES, 

m  ADDITION  TO,  AND  AlIENDilENT  OF,  THE  CUNSTIIUTION  OF  TUE  UNITED 
STATES  OF  AllERICA,  PROPOSED  BY  CONGRESS,  AND  RATIFIED  BY  THE 
1J:GISLATURES  of  the  several  states,  PURSUANT  TO  THE  FIFTH  ARTICLE 
OF  THE  ORIGINAL  CONSTITUTION. 

(abticle   I.) 

Congress  sliall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion, 
or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of 
speech,  or  of  the  press  ;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assem 
ble,  and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

(article   II.) 
A  well-regulated  Militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free 
State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be 
infringed. 

(article    III.) 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house,  without 
the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be 
prescribed  by  law. 

(article    IV.) 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers, 
and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be 
violated,  and  no  warrant  shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  support- 
ed by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to  be 
searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

(article    v.) 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise  infam- 
ous crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury, 
except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia, 
when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger  ;  nor  shall  any 

f)erson  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
ife  or  limb ;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  wit- 
ness against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without 
due  process  of  law  ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use 
without  just  compensation. 

(article    VI.) 

In  all  criminal  prusecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a 
speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district 
wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have 
neen  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature 
and  cause  of  the  accusation  ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witr  esses  against 


THF    rosSTITUTIO-V.  35 

him  ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor, 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

(a  R  T  I  C  L  K     VII.) 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed 
twenty  dollarS;  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no 
fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  Court  of 
the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rule'?  of  the  common  law. 

(article     VIII.) 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 
uor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

(article    IX.) 
The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights,  shall  not  be 
construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

(article    X.) 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution, 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respects 
ively,  or  to  the  people. 

(article      XI.) 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to 
extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against 
one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens  oi 
subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

(article    XII.)- 

The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ba! 
lot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not 
be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves  ;  they  shall  name 
in  their  ballot  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  distinct  ballots 
the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct 
lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for 
as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they 
shall  sign  and  certify,  and  tiansmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  : — The 
President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be 
counted  ; — The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  Pres- 
ident, shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number' of  Electors  appointed  ;  and  if  no  person  have  such  ma- 
jority, then  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceed- 
ing three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of 
Represeiiiativcs  shall  choose  immediately  by  ballot  the  President. 
But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the 
representation  from  each  State  having  one  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose 
shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States. 


SG  THK    CON^STITUTION. 

and  a  majority  of  all  tho  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And 
if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever 
the  right  of  choice  shall  devolv-;  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of 
iVlarch  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability  oF  the 
Pi-esident.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Yice- 
President,  shall  bk  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed  :  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majority,  then,  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate 
shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist 
of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitu- 
tionally ineligible  to  the  ofBce  of  President,  shall  be  eligible  to  that 
of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


The  Constitution  was  adopted  on  the  17th  September,  1787,  by  the 
Convention  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  Resolution  of  the  Congresa 
of  the  Confederation,  of  the  21st  February,  1787,  and  ratified  by  the 
Conventions  of  the  several  States,  as  follows  : 

By  Convention  of  Delaware, 7tb  December,  1787. 

"  "  Pennsjlvania, 12th  December,  1787 

«'  ««  New  Jer.sey , IStli  December,  17J'7 

"  <<  Georgia, 2d  January,  178S 

'«  "  Connecticut, 9th  January,  1788 

«  «'  Massachusetts, 6th  February,  1788 

•«  "  Maryland, 28th  AprU,  1788 

**  ««  South  Carolina 23d   May,    1788 

«♦  "  New  Hampshire, 21st  June,  1788 

«*  "  Virginia, 26th  June,  1788, 

«  "  New  York, 26th  July,  1788 

"  «  North  Carolina, 21st  November.  1789, 

"  "  Rhode  Island, 29th  May,  1790 


The  first  ten  of  the  Ainendments  wiv".  proposed  on  the  25th  Septem- 
ber. 1789,  and  ratified  by  the  constitnt'onal  number  of  States  on  the 
L5th  December,  1 791 ;  the  eleventh,  oq  -Ao  b*:h.  January,  1798 ;  ani  th« 
twelfth,  on  the  25th  September.  180l. 


FOKMATION    OF    THE    OKIGIXAL   UXIOX.  81 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ORIGINAL  UNION. 

Ox  Monday,  the  5th  September,  1774,  there  were  assembled  at 
C;arpoi)ter"s  llall,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  a  number  of  men  who 
had  been  chosen  and  appoiuied  by  the  several  colonies  in  North 
America  to  hold  a  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  certain 
g-rievaaces  imputed  against  the  mother-country.  This  Congress 
resolved  on  the  next  day  that  each  coloay  should  have  one  vote  only. 
On  Tuesday,  the  2d  July,  1776,  the  Congress  resolved,  "  That  thesu 
United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be.  Free  and  Independent 
Btates,"  etc.,  etc.  ;  and  on  Thursday,  the  4th  July,  the  whole  IJeclara- 
tiou  of  Independence  having  been  agreed  upon,  it  was  publicly  read  to 
the  people.  Shortly  after,  on  the  9th  September,  it  was  resolved  that 
the  words  "  United  Colonies  "  should  be  no  longer  used,  and  that  the 
'  UxiTED  States  of  America"  should  thenceforward  be  the  style  and 
title  of  the  Union.  On  Saturday,  the  15th  November,  1777, 
"  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  of  the  United  States 
of  America  "  were  agreed  to  by  the  state  delegates,  subject  to  the 
ratification  of  the  state  legislatures  severally.  Eight  of  the  states 
ratified  these  articles  on  the  9th  July,  1778  ;  one  on  the  21st  July  ; 
one  on  the  24th  July  ;  one  on  the  26th  November  of  the  same  year ; 
one  on  the  22d  February,  1779  ;  and  the  last  one  on  the  1st  March, 
1781.  Here  was  a  bond  of  union  between  thirteen  independent  states, 
whose  delegates  in  Congress  legislated  for  the  general  welfare,  and 
executed  certain  powei-s,  so  far  as  they  were  permitted  by  the  articles 
aforesaid.  The  following  are  the  names  of  the  Presidents  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress  from  1774  to  1788  : 

Peyton  Randolph,  Virginia 5th  Sept.,  1774 

He'nfy  MidtUeton,    South  Carolina 2-2d   Oct.,   17'i4 

Peyton  Randolph,  Virginia 10th  May,  1775 

JdIiu  Hancock,  Massachusetts 24th     "      1776 

Henry  Ijiurens,   South  Carolina 1st  Nov.,  1777 

Joiin  Jay,  New  York 10th  Dec,  1778 

Samuel  Huntingdon,    Connecticut 2Cth  Sept. ,  1779 

Thomas  McKeau,  Delaware 10th  July,  1780. 

John  Hanson,  Maryland 6th  Nov. ,  1781 

lUi-.s  Boudinot,  New  Jersev 4th       "     1782 

Thomas  .Milllin,  Pennsylva'nia _^3d        "     1783 

Richard  Henry  I.ee.    Virginia 30th      "     1784 

Natlianiel  Gorhara,  Massachusetts 6th  .Ian. ,  178d 

Artliur  St.  Clair,  Penn.sylvania 2d    F^.,  1787 

Cyrus  GriOin,  Virginia 2'id    Jan,    1788 

The  seat  of  government  was  established  as  follows  :  at  Philadelphia, 
i'a..  commencing  September  5,1774,  and  May  10,  1775;  at  Ealti- 
more,  Md.,  December  20, 1776  ;  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  March  4, 1777  ; 
at  Lancaster,  Pa..  September  27,  1777  ;  ut  York.  Pa.,  September  30, 
1777  :  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  July  2,  177.^ ;  at  Princeton,  N.  J.,  June 
30, 178;J  ;  at  Annapolis,  Md..  November  26, 1783  ;  at  Trenton,  N.  J., 
November  1,  1784  ;  and  at  New  York  City,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  11,  1785. 

On  the  4th  March,  1789,  the  present  Constitution,  which  had  been 
adopted  by  a  convention  and  ratified  by  the  requisite  number  of 
Ptatcs,  went  into  operation. 


38 


WASHINGTON'S  ADDRESSES. 

There  were  not  many  occasions  during  his  public  career  that 
Washington  was  called  upon  to  exercise  his  abilities  as  a  writer  or  an 
orator  ;  but  when  such  occasions  did  occur,  he  always  acquitted  him 
self  with  a  degree  of  perspicuity  and  modesty  which  may  be  said 
to  have  been  characteristic  of  himself  alone.  The  addresses  which 
follow  mark,  as  it  were,  four  distinct  epochs  in  the  history  of  thia 
unexampled  man  : — the  first,  when  he  accepted  the  command  of  the 
armies  by  which  our  national  independence  was  achieved  ;  the  second, 
when  he  surrendered  his  commission,  after  having  driven  the  foes 
of  freedom  from  his  beloved  country  ;  the  third,  when  he  assumed  the 
responsible  duties  of  President,  in  which  office  his  high  qua4ities 
for  civil  government  were  as  conspicuous  as  had  been  his  military 
talents  in  the  field  ;  and  fourth,  when  he  resigned  this  great  trust,  and 
took  leave  of  the  people  in  his  imperishable  "  Farewell  Address,"  an 
inestimable  legacy,  which  cannot  be  too  frequently  conned  by  every 
American  who  values  his  birthright. 


WASHINGTON'S  ELECTION  AS  COMMANBER-IN-CHIEF. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  1775,  Washington  was  unanimously  elected 
by  Congress  to  "  command  all  the  Continental  forces  raised,  or  to 
be-raised,  for  the  defence  of  American  liberty,"  and  when  he  appeared 
in  his  place  the  next  day,  the  President  of  that  body  acquainted  him 
with  his  election,  in  a  well-timed  address,  "  and  requested  he  would 
accept  of  that  employment ;"  to  which  Washington  replied  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  President  :  Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor 
done  me,  in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel  great  distress,  from  conscious- 
ness that  my  abilities  and  military  experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the 
extensive  and  important  trust :  However,  as  the  Congress  desire  it,  I 
will  enter  upon  the  momentous  duty,  and  exert  every  power  I  possess 
in  their  service,  and  for  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will 
accept  my  most  cordial  thanks  for  this  distinguished  testimony  of 
their  approbation. 

"  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  my 
reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered,  by  every  gentleman  in  the 
room,  that  I,  this  day,  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think 
myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

"As  to  pay,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress,  that,  as  no 
pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous 
employment,  at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do 
not  wish  to  make  any  profit  from  it.  1  will  keep  an  exact  account  of 
my  expenses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all 
I  desire." 


WASHINGTON'S    ADDRESSES. 


WASHINGTON'S  RESIGNATION  OF  HIS  COIIMISSION. 

The  War  of  the  Eevolution  having  terminated  auspiciously,  "Wash. 
iugton  took  leave  of  his  ofliccrs  and  army  at  New  York,  and  repaired 
to  Annapolis,  Md.,  where  Congress  was  then  in  session.  On  the  20th 
of  December,  1783,  he  transmitted  a  letter  to  that  body,  apprising 
*hem  of  his  arrival,  with  the  intention  of  resigning  his  commission; 
ind  desiring  to  know  whether  it  would  be  most  agreeable  to  receive 
t  in  writing  or  at  an  audience.  It  was  immediately  resolved  that  a 
public  entertainment  be  given  hira  on  the  2 2d,  and  that  he  be  admit- 
ted to  an  audience  on  the  23d,  at  twelve  o'clock.  Accordingly  he 
attended  at  that  time,  and,  being  seated,  the  President  informed  him 
that  Congress  were  prepared  to  receive  his  communications.  Where- 
upon he  arose,  and  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  President  :  The  great  events  on  which  my  resignation 
depended  having  at  length  taken  place,  I  have  now  the  honor  of  offer- 
ing my  sincere  congratulations  to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself 
before  them,  to  surrender  into  their  hands  the  trust  committed  to  me, 
and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retiring  from  the  service  of  my  country. 

"  Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  independence  and  sovereignty, 
and  pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  the  United  States  of 
becoming  a  respectable  nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  appoint- 
ment I  accepted  with  diffidence  :  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to  accom- 
plish so  arduous  a  task ;  which  however  was  superseded  by  a  confi- 
dence in  the  rectitude  of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  supreme  power 
of  the  Union,  and  the  patronage  of  Heaven. 

"  The  successful  termination  of  the  war  has  verified  the  most  san- 
guine expectations  ;  and  my  gratitude  for  the  interposition  of  Provi- 
dence, and  the  assistance  I  have  received  from  my  countrymen, 
increases  with  every  review  of  the  momentous  contest. 

"  While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army  in  general,  I  should  do 
injustice  to  my  own  feelings  not  to  acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the 
peculiar  services  and  distinguished  merits  of  the  gentlemen  who  have 
been  attached  to  my  person  during  the  war.  It  was  impossible  the 
choice  of  confidential  officers  to  compose  my  family  should  have  been 
more  fortunate.  Permit  me,  sir,  to  recommend,  in  particular,  those 
who  have  continued  in  the  service  to  the  present  moment,  as  worthy 
of  the  favorable  notice  and  patronage  of  Congress. 

"  I  consider  it  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  act  of  my 
official  life  by  commending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the 
protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superintendence 
of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

"  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great 
theatre  of  action,  and  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august 
body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  com- 
mission, and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public  life." 


49  Washington's  addresses. 


WASHINGTON'S  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

In  accordance  with  previous  arrangements.  General  Wasliingtor 
met  Congress  in  New  York  on  the  30th  of  April,  1789.  lor  the 
purpose  of  being  inaugurated  as  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States.  The  oath  of  office  having  been  administered  by  the  Chan- 
cellor of  the  state  of  New  York,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  the  President  delivered  the  following  Inaugural 
Address  : 

■'  Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate,  and  of  the  House  of  Representatives: 

"  Among  the  vicissitudes  incident  to  life,  no  event  could  have  filled 
tne  with  greater  anxieties  than  that  of  which  the  notification  was 
transmitted  by  your  order,  and  received  on  the  14th  day  of  the  present 
month.  On  the  one  hand,  I  was  summoned  by  my  country,  whose 
voice  I  can  never  hear  but  with  veneration  and  love,  from  a  retreat 
which  I  had  chosen  with  the  fondest  predilection,  and,  in  my  flattering 
hopes,  with  an  immutable  decision,  as  the  asylum  of  my  declining 
years ;  a  retreat  which  was  rendered  every  day  more  necessary,  as  well 
as  more  dear  to  me,  by  the  addition  of  habit  to  inclination,  and  of 
frequent  interruptions  in  my  health,  to  the  gradual  waste  committed 
on  it  by  time.  On  the  other  hand,  the  magnitude  and  difficulty  of  the 
trust  to  which  the  voice  of  my  country  called  me,  being  sutlicient  to 
awaken  in  the  wisest  and  most  experienced  of  her  citizens  a  distrustful 
scrutiny  into  his  qualifications,  could  not  but  overwhelm  with  despond- 
ence one,  who,  inheriting  inferior  endowments  from  nature,  and 
unpracticed  in  the  duties  of  civil  administration,  ought  to  be  peculiarly 
conscious  of  his  own  deficiencies.  In  this  conflict  of  emotions,  all  I 
dare  aver,  is,  that  it  has  been  my  faithful  study  to  collect  my  duty 
from  a  just  appreciation  of  every  circumstance  by  which  it  might  be 
affected.  All  I  dare  hope,  is,  that  if,  in  executing  this  task,  I  have 
been  too  much  swayed  by  a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  instances, 
or  by  an  affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent  proof  of  the  confi- 
dence of  my  fellow-citizens,  and  have  thence  too  little  consulted  my 
incapacity  as  well  as  disinclination  for  the  weighty  and  untried  cares 
before  me,  my  error  will  be  palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me, 
and  its  consequences  be  judged  by  my  country,  with  some  share  of  the 
partiality  in  which  they  originated. 

"  Such  being  the  impressions  under  which  I  have,  in  obedience  to 
the  public  summons,  repaired  to  the  present  station,  it  would  be  pecu- 
liarly improper  to  omit,  in  this  first  official  act,  my  fervent  suppli- 
cations to  that  Almighty  Being  who  rules  over  the  universe — who 
presides  in  the  councils  of  nations — and  whose  providential  aids  can 
supply  every  human  defect,  that  his  benediction  may  consecrate  to,  the 
liberties  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  a  goveru- 
Bjent  instituted  by  themselves  for  these  essential  purposes;  and  may 


Washington's  addresses.  4 1 

enable  every  iHstrument  empiOyed  in  its  administration  to  execute  witn 
success  tlie'innctions  allotted  to  his  charj^e.  In  tendering  this  hoinao^fl 
to  the  Great  Author  of  every  public  and  private  good.  I  assure  myself 
that  ii  expresses  your  sentiments  not  less  than  my  own  ;  nor  those  of 
my  fellow-citizens  at  large,  less  than  either.  No  people  can  be  bound 
to  acknowledge  and  adore  the  invisible  hand  which  conducts  the  affairs 
of  men,  more  than  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Every  step  by 
which  they  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an  independent  nation, 
seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  providential  agency  ; 
and  in  the  important  revolution  just  accomplished  in  the  system  of 
their  united  government,  the  tranquil  deliberations,  and  voluntary 
consent  of  so  many  distinct  communities,  from  which  the  event  has 
resulted,  cannot  be  compared  with  the  means  by  which  most  govern- 
ments have  been  established,  without  some  return  of  pious  gratitude, 
along  with  an  humble  anticipation  of  the  future  blessings  which  the 
past  seem  to  presage.  These  reflections,  arising  out  of  the  present 
crisis,  have  forced  themselves  too  strongly  on  my  mind  to  be  sup- 
pressed. You  will  join  with  me,  I  trust,  in  thinking  that  there 
are  none,  under  the  influence  of  which  the  proceedings  of  a  new  and 
free  government  can  more  auspiciously  commence. 

"  By  the  article  establishing  the  executive  department,  it  is  made 
the  duty  of  the  President  '■  to  recommend  to  your  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient.'  The  circum- 
stances under  which  I  now  meet  you  will  acquit  me  from  entering  into 
that  subject,  farther  than  to  refer  to  the  great  constitutional  charter 
under  which  you  are  assembled  ;  and  which,  in  defining  your  powers, 
designates  the  objects  to  which  your  attention  is  to  be  given.  It  will 
be  more  consistent  with  those  circumstances,  and  far  more  congenial 
with  the  feelings  which  actuate  me,  to  substitute,  in  place  of  a  recom- 
mendation of  particular  measures,  the  tribute  that  is  due  to  the  talents, 
the  rectitude,  and  the  patriotism,  which  adorn  the  characters  selected 
to  devise  and  adopt  them.  In  these  honorable  qualifications  I  behold 
the  surest  pledges  that,  as  on  one  side,  no  local  prejudices  or  attach- 
ments, no  separate  views,  nor  party  animosities,  will  misdirect  the 
comprehensive  and  equal  eye  which  ought  to  watch  over  this  great 
assemblage  of  communities  and  interests ;  so,  on  another,  that  the 
foundations  of  our  national  policy  will  be  laid  in  the  pure  and 
immutable  principles  of  private  morality;  and  the  pre-eminence  of 
free  government  be  exemplified  by  all  the  attributes  which  can  win 
the  affections  of  its  citizens,  and  command  the  respect  of  the  world.  I 
dwell  on  this  prospect  with  every  satisfaction  which  an  ardent  lore  for 
my  country  can  inspire  :  since  there  is  no  truth  more  thoroaghly 
established,  than  that  there  exists  in  the  economy  and  course  of  nature 
an  indissoluble  union  between  virtue  and  happiness — between  duty 
and  advantage — between  the  genuine  maxims  of  an  honest  and  mag- 
nanimous policy,  and  the  solid  rewards  of  public  prosperity  and 
felicity ;  since  we  ought  to  be  no  Ic^s  persuaded  that  the  propitious 
Bmiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be  expected  on  a  nation  that  disregards 


42  Washington's  addresss? 

the  eternal  rules  of  order  and  right,  which  Heaven  itself  has  ordained  , 
and  since  the  preservation  of  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty,  and  the  destiny 
of  the  republican  model  of  government,  are  justly  considered  as  deeply, 
perhaps  as  finally,  staked,  on  the  experiment  entrusted  to  the  hands  of 
the  American  people. 

"  Besides  the  ordinary  objects  submitted  to  your  care,  it  will  remain 
with  your  judgment  to  decide,  how  far  an  exercise  of  the  occasional 
power  delegated  by  the  fifth  article  of  the  Constitution  is  rendered 
expedient  at  the  present  juncture,  by  the  nature  of  objections  which 
have  been  urged  against  the  system,  or  by  the  degree  of  inquietude 
which  has  given  birth  to  them.  Instead  of  undertaking  particular 
recommendations  on  this  subject,  in  which  I  could  be  guided  by 
no  lights  derived  from  oflScial  opportunities,  I  shall  again  give  way 
to  my  entire  confidence  in  your  discernment  and  pursuit  of  the  public 
good  ;  for,  I  assure  myself,  that  whilst  you  carefully  avoid  every 
alteration  which  might  endanger  the  benefits  of  an  united  and  eflfective 
government,  or  which  ought  to  await  the  future  lessons  of  experience, 
a  reverence  for  the  characteristic  rights  of  freemen,  and  a  regard  for 
the  public  harmony,  will  sufiiciently  influence  your  deliberations  on 
the  question,  how  far  the  former  can  be  more  impregnably  fortified,  or 
the  latter  be  safely  and  advantageously  promoted. 

"  To  the  preceding  observations  1  have  one  to  add,  which  will 
be  most  properly  addressed  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  con- 
cerns myself,  and  will,  therefore,  be  as  brief  as  possible.  When  I  was 
first  honored  with  a  call  into  the  service  of  my  country,  then  on  the 
eve  of  an  arduous  struggle  for  its  liberties,  the  light  in  which  I  con- 
templated my  duty  required  that  I  should  renounce  every  pecuniary 
compensation.  From  this  resolution  I  have  in  no  instance  departed  ; 
and  being  still  under  the  impressions  which  produced  it,  I  must 
decline,  as  inapplicable  to  myself,  any  share  in  the  personal  emo- 
luments which  may  be  indispensably  included  in  a  permanent 
provision  for  the  executive  department  ;  and  must  accordingly  pray 
that  the  pecuniary  estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I  am  placed, 
may,  during  my  continuance  in  it,  be  limited  to  such  actual  expendi- 
tures as  the  public  good  may  be  thought  to  require. 

"  Having  thus  imparted  to  you  my  sentiments,  a?  they  have  been 
awakened  by  the  occasion  which  brings  us  together,  I  shall  take  my 
present  leave  ;  but  not  without  resorting  once  more  to  the  benign 
Parent  of  the  human  race,  in  humble  supplication,  that,  since  he  has 
been  pleased  to  favor  the  American  people  with  opportunities  for 
deliberating  in  perfect  tranquillity,  and  dispositions  for  deciding,  with 
unparalleled  unanimity,  on  a  form  of  government  for  the  security  of 
their  Union,  and  the  advancement  of  their  happiness,  so  his  Divine 
blessing  may  be  equally  conspicuous  in  the  enlarged  views,  the  tem- 
perate consultations,  and  the  wise  measures,  on  which  ihe  succeM 
of  this  government  must  depend  ' 


iH 


WASHINGTON'S   FAREWELl    ADDRESS. 

Friends  and  Fellow- Citizens  : 

The  period  for  a  new  election  of  a  citizen  to  administer  the  Execu- 
tive Government  of  the  United  Slates  being  not  far  distant,  and  the 
time  actually  arrived  when  your  thoughts  must  !)e  employed  in  desig- 
nating the  person  who  is  to  be  clothed  with  that  important  trust,  it 
appears  to  me  proper,  especially  as  it  may  conduce  to  a  more  distinct 
expression  of  the  public  voice,  that  I  should  now  apprise  you  of  the 
resolution  I  have  formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the  num- 
ber of  those  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice  to  be  assured  that 
this  resolution  has  not  been  taken  without  a  strict  regard  to  all  the 
considerations  appertaining  to  the  relation  which  binds  a  dutiful 
citizen  to  his  Country ;  and  that,  in  withdrawing  the  tender  of  service, 
which  silence,  in  my  situation  might  imply,  I  am  influenced  by  no 
diminution  of  zeal  tor  your  future  interest ;  no  deficiency  of  grateful 
respect  for  your  past  kindness  .  but  am  supported  by  a  fiill  conviction 
that  the  step  is  compatible  with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto  in,  the  office  to  which  your 
suffrages  have  twice  called  me,  have  been  a  uniform  sacrifice  of  inclina- 
tion to  the  opinion  of  duty,  and  to  a  deference  for  what  appeared  to  be 
your  desire.  I  constantly  hoped  that  it  would  have  been  much  earlier 
in  my  power,  consistently  with  motives  which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to 
disregard,  to  return  to  that  retirement  from  which  I  had  been  reluct- 
antly drawn.  The  strength  of  my  inclination  to  do  this,  previous  to 
the  last  election,  had  even  led  to  the  preparation  of  an  address  to 
declare  it  to  you  ;  but  mature  reflection  on  the  then  perplexed  and  crit- 
ical posture  of  our  affairs  with  foreign  nations,  and  the  unanimous 
advice  of  persons  entitled  to  my  confidence,  impelled  me  to  abandon 
the  idea, 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns,  external  as  well  as  internal, 
no  longer  renders  the  pursuit  of  inclination  incompatible  with  the 
sentiment  of  duty  or  propriety  ;  and  am  persuaded,  whatever  partiality 
may  be  retained  for  my  services,  that,  in  the  present  circumstances  of 
our  country,  you  will  not  disapprove  my  determination  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which  I  first  undertook  the  arduous  trust  were 
explained  on  the  proper  occasion.  In  the  discharge  of  this  trust,  I 
will  only  say,  that  1  have  with  good  intentions  contributed  towards 
the  organization  and  administration  of  the  Government  the  best  exer- 
tions of  which  a  very  fallible  judgment  was  capable.  Not  unconscious 
in  the  outset  of  the  inferiority  of  my  qualifications,  experience,  in  my 
own  eyes — perhaps  still  more  in  the  eyes  of  others — has  strengthened 
the  motives  to  diffidence  of  myself;  and  every  day  the  increasing 
weight  of  years  admonishes  me,  more  and  more,  that  the  shade  of 
.vtirement  is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be  welcome.    -Satisfied  that 


J 4  WASHIN'CTOn's    VAUKWKt.!-    ADDRESS. 

if  any  circumstances  have  given  peculiar  value  to  my  services,  t^ey 
were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation  to  believe  that,  while  choice 
and  prudence  invite  me  to  quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does  not 
forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is  intended  to  terminate 
the  career  of  my  public  life,  my  feelings  do  not  permit  me  to  suspend 
the  deep  acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude  which  I  owe  to 
my  beloved  country  for  the  many  honors  it  has  conferred  upon  me  ; 
still  more  for  the  steadfast  confidence  with  which  it  has  supported  me ; 
and  for  the  opportunities  I  have  thence  enjoyed  of  manifesting  my 
inviolable  attachment,  by  services  faithful  and  persevering,  though  in 
usefulness  unequal  to  my  zeal.  If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our  coun- 
try from  these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to  your  praise, 
and  as  an  instructive  example  in  our  annals  that,  under  circumstances 
in  which  the  passions,  agitated  in  every  direction,  were  liable  to  mis- 
lead ;  amidst  appearances  sometimes  dubious,  vicissitudes  of  fortune 
often  discouraging  ;  in  situations  in  which,  not  unfrequently,  want  of 
success  has  countenanced  the  spirit  of  criticism — the  constancy  of 
your  support  was  the  essential  prop  of  the  efforts,  and  a  guarantee  of 
the  plans,  by  which  they  were  effected.  Profoundly  penetrated  with 
this  idea,  I  shall  carry  it  with  me  to  my  grave,  as  a  strong  incitement 
to  unceasing  vows,  that  Heaven  may  continue  to  you  the  choicest 
tokens  of  its  beneficence  ;  that  your  union  and  brotherly  affection  may 
be  perpetual ;  that  the  free  Constitution,  which  is  the  work  of  your 
hands,  may  be  sacredly  maintained  ;  that  its  administration,  in  every 
department,  may  be  stamped  witn  wisdom  and  virtue  ;  that,  in  fine, 
the  happiness  of  the  people  of  these  states,  under  the  auspices  of  liberty, 
may  be  made  complete,  by  so  careful  a  preservation  and  so  pru- 
dent a  use  of  this  blessing  as  will  acquire  to  them  the  glory  of  recom- 
mending it  to  the  applause,  the  affection,  and  the  adoption  of  every 
lation  which  is  yet  a  stranger  to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop ;  but  a  solicitude  for  your  welfare, 
which  cannot  end  but  with  my  life,  and  the  apprehension  of  danger 
natural  to  that  solicitude,  urge  me,  on  an  occasion  like  the  present,  to 
oSer  to  your  solemn  contemplation,  and  to  recommend  to  your  fre- 
quent review,  some  sentiments  which  are  the  result  of  much  reflection, 
of  no  inconsiderable  observation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all-important 
to  the  permanency  of  your  felicity  as  a  people.  These  will  be  afforded 
to  you  with  the  more  freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the  disin- 
terested warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who  can  possibly  have  no  per- 
sonal motive  to  bias  his  counsel ;  nor  can  I  forget,  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  it,  your  indulgent  reception  of  my  sentiments  on  a  former  and 
not  dissimilar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every  ligament  of  your 
hearts,  no  recommendation  of  mine  is  necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm 
the  attachment. 

The  unity  of  government,  which  constitutes  you  one  people,  is  also 
now  dear  to  you.     It  is  justly  so  ;  for  it  is  a  main  pillar  in  the  edifice 


WASni.VGTON's    lARKWELL,    ADDRESS.  46 

of  your  real  independence — the  support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home, 
your  peace  abroad,  of  your  safety,  of  your  prosperity,  of  that  vorj 
liberty  which  you  so  hi<>hly  prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee  iliut, 
from  difierent  causes  and  troin  different  quarters,  much  pains  will  be 
taken,  many  artifices  emp'ojed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction 
of  this  truth  ;  as  this  is  the  point  in  your  political  foi'tress  against 
which  the  batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  con- 
stantly and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously)  directed — 
it  is  of  infinite  moment  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the  immense 
value  of  your  National  Union  to  your  collective  and  individual  happi- 
ness ;  that  you  should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  immovable 
attachment  to  it ;  accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  of 
the  palladium  of  your  political  safety  and  prosperity  ;  watching  for  its 
preservation  with  jealous  anxiety  ;  discountenancing  whatever  may 
suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it  can,  in  any  event,  be  abaudone<] ;  and 
indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alien- 
ate any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred 
ties  which  now  link  together  the  various  parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  interest. 
Citizens  by  birth  or  choice,  of  a  common  country,  that  country  has  a 
right  to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name  of  American,  which 
be!i)ngs  to  you  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just 
pride  of  patriotism,  more  than  any  appellation  derived  from  local  dis- 
criminations. With  slight  shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same 
religion,  manners,  habits,  and  political  principles.  You  have,  in  a  com- 
mon cause,  fought  and  triumphed  together ;  the  independence  and 
liberty  you  possess  are  the  work  of  joint  counsels  and  joint  efforts — of 
common  dangers,  sufferings,  and  successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully  they  address  them- 
selves to  your  sensibility,  are  greatly  outweighed  by  those  which 
apply  more  immediately  to  your  interest :  here  every  portion  of  our 
country  finds  the  most  commanding  motives  for  carefully  guarding  and 
preserving  the  union  of  the  whole. 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with  the  South,  protected 
by  the  equal  laws  of  a  common  government,  finds,  in  the  productions 
of  the  latter,  great  additional  resources  of  maritime  and  eonmiercial 
enterprise,  and  precious  materials  of  manufacturing  industry.  The 
Sotith,  in  the  same  intercourse,  benefiting  by  the  agency  of  the  North, 
sees  its  agriculture  grow,  and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning  partly 
into  its  own  channefs  the  seamen  of  the  North,  it  finds  its  particular 
navigation  invigorated  ;  and  while  it  contributes,  in  different  ways,  to 
nourish  and  increase  the  general  mass  of  the  national  navigation,  it 
looks  forward  to  the  protection  of  a  maritime  strength  to  which  itself 
is  uneonally  adapted.  The  East,  in  like  intercourse  with  the  West 
alniidy  finds,  and  in  the  progressive  improvement  of  interior  commu- 
nif'ation,  by  land  and  water,  will  more  anJ  more  find,  a  valuable  vent 
fc  tlie  commodities  which  it  brings  from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at 
b  ,mc.   The  West  derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to  its  growth 


46  WASHINGfO.v's    FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 

ami  comfort ;  and  what  is  perhaps  of  still  greater  consequence,  it  must, 
of  necessity,  owe  the  secure  enjoyment  of  indispensable  outlets  for  its 
own  productions,  to  the  weight,  influence,  and  the  future  maritime 
strength  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Union,  directed  by  an  indissoluble 
community  of  interest  as  one  nation.  Any  other  tenure  by  which  the 
West  can  hold  this  essential  advantage,  whether  derived  from  its  own 
separate  strength,  or  from  an  apostate  and  unnatural  connection  with 
any  foreign  power,  must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 

While,  then,  every  part  of  our  country  thus  feels  an  immediate  and 
particular  interest  in  union,  all  the  parts  combined  cannot  fail  to  find, 
in  the  united  mass  of  means  and  efforts,  greater  strength,  greater  re- 
source, proportionably  gi'eater  security  from  external  danger,  a  iesa 
frequent  interruption  of  their  peace  by  foreign  nations  ;  and  what  is 
of  inestimable  value,  they  must  derive  from  union  an  exemption  from 
those  broils  and  wars  between  themselves,  which  so  frequently  afflict 
neighboring  countries,  not  tied  together  by  the  same  goveri/ment; 
which  their  own  rivalships  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  produce,  but 
which  opposite  foreign  alliances,  attachments,  and  intrigues,  would 
stimulate  and  embitter.  Hence,  likewise,  they  will  avoid  the  neces- 
sity of  those  overgrown  military  establishments,  which,  under  any 
form  of  government,  are  inauspicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be 
regarded  as  particularly  hostile  to  republican  liberty  ;  in  this  sense  it 
is  that  your  union  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  main  prop  of  your 
liberty,  and  that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to  you  the  pre 
servation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language  to  every  reflecting 
and  virtuous  mind,  and  exhibit  the  continuance  of  the  Union  as  a 
primary  object  of  patriotic  desire.  Is  there  a  doubt,  whether  a  common 
government  can  embrace  so  large  a  sphere  ?  Let  experience  solve  it. 
To  listen  to  mere  speculation,  in  such  a  case,  were  criminal.  We  are 
authorized  to  hope,  that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole,  with  the 
auxiliary  agency  of  governments  for  the  respective  subdivisions,  will 
afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  experiment.  It  is  well  worth  a  fair  and 
full  experiment.  With  such  powerful  and  obvious  motives  to  Union, 
affecting  all  parts  of  our  country,  while  experience  shall  not  have 
demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there  will  always  be  reason  to  disti-ust 
the  patriotism  of  those  who,  in  any  quarter,  may  endeavor  to  weaken 
its  bands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb  our  Union,  it  occurs, 
as  a  matter  of  serious  concern,  that  any  ground  should  have  beeill 
furnished  for  characterizing  parties  by  geographical  discriminations — 
Northern  and  Southern — Atlantic  and  Western  :  whence  designing 
men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief  that  there  is  a  real  difference  of 
local  interests  and  views.  One  of  the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire 
influence  within  particular  districts,  is  tc  misrepresent  the  opinions 
and  aims  of  other  districts.  You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too 
much  against  the  jealousies  and  heart-burnings  which  spring  from 
these  misrepre^sentations  ;  they  tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other  those 


Washington's  farewell  address.  47 

who  ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affection.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  our  western  country  have  lately  had  a  useful  lesson  on  thia 
head  ;  they  have  seen  in  the  negotiation  by  the  Executive,  and  in  the 
unanimous  ratification  by  the  Senate,  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and 
in  the  universal  satisfaction  at  that  event  throughout  the  United 
States,  a  decisive  proof  how  unfounded  were  the  suspicions  propagated 
among  them  of  a  policy  in  the  General  Government,  and  in  the  Atlan- 
tic States,  unfriendly  to  their  interests  in  regard  to  the  Mississij'pi; 
they  have  been  witnesses  to  the  formation  of  two  treaties — that  witij 
Great  Britain,  and  that  with  Spain — which  secure  to  them  every  thing 
they  could  desire  in  respect  to  our  foreign  relations,  towards  confirm 
ing  their  prosperity.  Will  it  not  be  their  wisdom  to  rely  for  the  pre 
servation  of  these  advantages  on  the  Union  by  which  they  were  pro- 
cured ?  Will  they  not  henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  advisers,  if  such 
there  are,  who  would  sever  them  from  their  brethren,  and  connect 
them  with  aliens? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union,  a  Government  for 
the  whole  is  indispensable.  No  alliance,  however  strict  between  the 
parts,  can  be  an  adequate  substitute  ;  they  must  inevitably  experience 
the  infractions  and  interruptions  which  all  alliances,  in  all  time,  have 
experienced.  Sensible  of  this  momentous  truth,  you  have  improved 
upon  your  first  essay,  by  the  adoption  of  a  Constitution  of  Govern- 
ment better  calculated  than  your  former  for  an  intimate  Union,  and 
for  the  efficacious  management  of  your  common  concerns.  This  Gov- 
urnment,  the  offspring  of  our  own  choice,  uninfluenced  and  unawed, 
adopted  upou  full  investigation  and  mature  deliberation,  completely 
free  in  its  principles,  in  the  distribution  of  its  powers,  uniting  security 
with  energy,  and  containing  within  itself  a  provision  for  its  own 
amendment,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  confidence  and  your  support. 
Respect  for  its  authority,  compliance  with  its  laws,  acquiescence  in 
its  measures,  are  duties  enjoined  by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true 
liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems,  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions  of  Government :  but  the  Con- 
stitution which  at  any  time  exists,  till  changed  by  an  explicit  and 
authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon  all.  The 
very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the  people  to  establish  Gov- 
ernment, pre-supposes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  obey  the  estab- 
lished Government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws,  all  combinations  and 
associations,  under  whatever  plausible  character,  with  the  real  design 
to  direct,  control,  counteract,  or  awe  the  regular  deliberation  and 
action  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are  destructive  to  this  fundamental 
principle,  and  of  fatal  tendency.  They  serve  to  organize  faction,  to 
give  it  an  artificial  and  extraordinary  force,  to  put  in  the  place  oF  the 
delegated  will  of  the  nation,  the  will  of  a  party,  often  a  small  but  art 
fnl  and  enterprising  minority  of  the  community  ;  and,  according  to 
the  alternate  triumphs  of  different  parties,  to  mate  the  public  admin- 
istration the  mirror  of  the  ill-concerteS  and  incongruous  projects  of 


48  -iPASHIKGTON's    FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 

faction,   rather  than   the  organ   of  consistent  and  wholesone  plans, 
digested  by  common  counsels,  and  modified  by  mutual  interests. 

However  combinations  or  associations  of  the  above  description  may 
now  and  then  answer  popular  ends,  they  are  likely,  in  the  course  of 
time  and  thing's,  to  become  potent  ensrines,  by  which  cunning,  ambi- 
tious, and  unprincipled  men,  will  be  enabled  to  subvert  the  power  of 
the  people,  and  to  usurp  for  themselves  the  reins  of  Government , 
destroying,  afterwards,  the  very  engines  which  had  lifted  them  to  unjust 
dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of  your  Government,  and  the  permanency 
of  your  present  happy  state,  it  is  requisite,  not  only  that  you  steadily 
discountenance  irregular  oppositions  to  its  acknowledged  authority 
but  also  that  you  resist  with  care  the  spirit  of  iunovation  upon  itj 
principles,  however  specious  the  pretexts.  One  method  of  assault  may 
be  to  effect,  in  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  alterations  which  will 
impair  the  energy  of  the  system,  and  thus  to  undermine  what  cannot 
be  directly  overthrown.  In  all  the  changes  to  which  you  may  be 
invited,  remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least  as  necessary  to  fix 
the  true  character  of  Governments  as  of  other  human  institutions  ; 
that  experience  is  the  surest  standard  by  which  to  test  the  real 
tendency  of  the  existing  constitution  of  a  country ;  that  facility  in 
changes,  upon  the  credit  of  mere  hypothesis  and  opinion,  exposes  to 
perpetual  change,  from  the  endless  variety  of  hypothesis  and  opinion  ; 
and  remember,  especially,  that  for  the  efficient  management  of  your 
common  interests,  in  a  country  so  extensive  as  ours,  a  Government  oi 
as  much  vigor  as  is  consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of  liberty,  is 
indispensable.  Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such  a  Government,  with 
powers  properly  distributed  and  adjusted,  its  surest  guardian.  It  is 
indeed,  little  else  than  a  name,  where  the  Government  is  too  feeble  to 
withstand  the  enterprises  of  faction,  to  confine  each  member  of  the 
society  within  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  to  maintain  all  in 
the  secure  and  tranquil  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger  of  parties  in  the  state, 
with  particular  reference  to  the  founding  of  them  on  geographical  dis- 
criminations. Let  me  now  take  a  more  compreliensive  view,  and  warn 
you,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  against  the  baneful  effects  of  the 
3pirit  of  party  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our  nature,  having  its 
root  in  the  strongest  passions  of  the  human  mind.  It  exists  under 
different  shapes,  in  all  Governments,  more  or  less  stifled,  controlled,  or 
repressed  ;  but  in  those  of  the  popular  form  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest 
ranknes"  and  is  truly  their  w^orst  enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another,  sharpener!  by 
the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to  party  dissension,  which,  in  different 
ages  and  countries,  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid  enormities,  is  itself 
a  frightful  despotism.  But  this  leads,  at  length,  to  a  more  formal  and 
permanent  despotism.  The  disorders  and  miseries  which  result,  grad- 
ually incline  the  minds  of  men  to  seek  security  and  repose  in  the 


WASHIXGTON  3    FAREWELL    ADCRE88  4:-! 

absulute  power  of  an  Individual ;  and,  sooner  or  later,  the  chief  of  some 
prevailing  faction,  more  able  or  more  fortunate  than  his  competitors, 
turns  this  disposition  to  the  purposes  of  his  own  elevation  on  the  rums 
of  public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this  kind  (which, 
nevertheless,  ought  not  to  be  entirely  out  of  sight),  the  common  and 
continual  mischiefs  of  the  spirit  of  party  are  sufficient  to  make  it  the 
interest  aJid  duty  of  a  wise  people  to  discourage  and  restrain  it. 

It  server  always  to  distract  the  pr  blic  councils,  and  enfeeble  the 
public  administration.  It  agitates  che  community  with  ill-founded 
jealousies  and  false  alarms  ;  kindles  the  animosities  of  one  part  against 
another  ;  foments,  occasionally,  riot  and  insurrection.  It  opens  the 
door  to  foreign  influence  and  corruption,  which  find  a  facilitated 
access  to  the  Government  itself,  through  the  channels  of  party  passions. 
Thus  the  policy  and  the  will  of  one  country  are  subjected  to  the  policy 
and  will  of  another. 

There  is  an  opinion  that  parties,  in  free  countries,  are  useful  checks 
upon  the  administration  of  the  Government,  and  serve  to  keep  alive 
the  spirit  of  liberty.  This,  within  certain  limits,  is  probably  true ; 
and  in  Governments  of  a  monarchical  cast,  patriotism  may  look  with 
indulgence,  if  not  with  favor,  upon  the  spirit  of  party.  But  in  those 
of  the  popular  character,  in  Governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit 
not  to  be  encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency,  it  is  certain 
there  will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit  for  every  salutary  purpose. 
And  there  being  constant  danger  of  excess,  the  eflfort  ought  to  be,  by 
force  of  public  opinion,  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire  not  to  be 
quenched,  it  demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to  prevent  its  bursting  into 
a  flame,  lest,  instead  of  warming,  it  should  consume. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  thinking,  in  a  free  coun- 
try, should  inspire  caution  in  those  intrusted  with  its  administration 
to  confine  themselves  within  their  respective  constitutional  spheres, 
avoiding,  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one  department,  to  encroach 
upon  another.  The  spirit  of  encroachment  tends  to  consolidate  the 
powers  of  all  the  departments  in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the 
form  of  Government,  a  real  despotism.  A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of 
power,  and  proneness  to  abuse  it  which  predominates  in  the  human 
heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this  position.  The 
necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  by 
dividing  and  distributing  it  into  diSerent  depositories,  and  constituting 
each  the  guardian  of  the  public  weal,  against  invasions  by  the  others, 
has  been  evinced  by  experiments,  ancient  and  modern  ;  some  of  them 
in  our  own  country,  and  under  our  own  eyes.  To  preserve  them  must 
be  as  necessary  as  to  institute  them.  If.  in  the  opinion  of  the  people, 
tlie  distribution  or  modification  of  the  constitutional  powers  be,  iu  any 
particular,  wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by  an  amendment  iu  the  way 
which  the  Constitution  designates.  But  let  there  bo  no  change  by 
usurpation  ;  for  though  this,  in  one  instance,  may  be  the  instrument 
of  good,  it  Ls  the  customary  weapon  by  which  free  Governments  ar« 


50  WASHINGTON' k'    FiRE7i'f:LL    ADDRESS. 

destroyed.  The  precedent  must  always  greatly  overbalance,  in  per 
manent  evil,  any  partial  or  transient  benefit  which  the  use  can,  at  anj 
tune,  yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to  political  prosperityj 
religion  and  morality  are  indispensable  supports.  In  vain  would  that 
man  claim  the  tribute  of  patriotism,  who  should  labor  to  subvert  thesp 
great  pillars  of  human  happiness,  these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of 
men  and  citizens.  The  mere  politician,  equally  with  the  pious  man, 
ought  to  respect  and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could  not  trace  all 
their  connexions  with  private  and  public  felicity.  Let  it  simply  be 
asked,  where  is  the  security  for  property,  for  reputation,  for  life,  if  the 
sense  of  religious  obligation  desei-t  the  oaths  which  are  the  instruments 
of  investigation  in  the  courts  of  justice  ?  And  let  us  with  caution 
indulge  the  supposition,  that  morality  can  be  maintained  without 
religion.  "Whatever  may  be  conceded  to  the  influence  of  refined  educa- 
tion on  minds  of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and  experience  both  forbid 
us  to  expect  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of  reli- 
gious principles. 

Jt  is  substantially  true,  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a  necessary  spring 
of  popular  Government.  The  rule,  indeed,  extends  with  more  or  less 
force  to  every  species  of  free  Government.  Who,  that  is  a  sincere 
friend  to  it,  can  look  with  indifference  upon  attempts  to  shake  the 
foundation  of  the  fabric  ? 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  importance,  institutions  for 
the  general  difiusion  of  knowledge,  [n  proportion  as  the  structure  of 
a  Government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public 
opinion  should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  security,  cherish  public 
credit.  One  method  of  preserving  it  is  to  use  it  as  sparingly  as  pos- 
sible ;  avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivating  peace,  but  remem- 
bering also  that  timely  disbursements  to  prepare  for  danger,  frequently 
prevent  much  greater  disbursements  to  repel  it ;  avoiding,  likewise, 
the  accumulation  of  debt,  not  only  by  shunning  occasions  of  expense, 
but  by  vigorous  exertions  in  time  of  peace  to  discharge  the  debts  which 
unavoidable  wars  may  have  occasioned  ;  not  ungenerously  throwing 
upon  posterity  the  burden  which  we  ourselves  ought  to  bear.  The 
execution  of  these  maxims  belongs  to  your  representatives.,  but  it  ia 
necessary  that  public  opinion  should  co-operate.  To  facilitate  to  them 
the  performance  of  their  duty,  it  is  essential  that  you  should  practically 
bear  in  mind,  that  towards  the  payment  of  debts  there  must  be 
revenue  ;  that  to  have  revenue  there  must  be  taxes  ;  that  no  taxes 
can  be  devised,  which  are  not  more  or  less  inconvenient  and  unpleasant ; 
that  the  intrinsic  embarrassment  inseparable  from  the  selection  of  the 
proper  objects  (which  is  always  a  choice  of  difficulties),  ought  to  be  a 
decisive  motive  for  a  candid  construction  of  the  conduct  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  making  it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  acquiescence  in  the  measures  for 
obt-aining  revenue,  which  the  public  exigencies  may  at  any  time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations  ;  cultivate  peace 


Washington's  farewell  address.  01 

and  harmony  with  all  ;  religion  and  morality  eujoia  this  conduct ;  and 
can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not  equally  enjoin  it?  It -wiil  be 
worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and,  at  no  distant  period,  a  great  nation, 
to  give  to  mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too  novel  example  of  a. 
people  always  guided  by  au  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can 
doubt  that,  in  the  course  of  time  ilnd  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  jjiau 
would  richly  repay  any  temporary  advantages  which  might  be  lost  by 
a  steady  adherence  to  it?  Can  it  be  tliat  Providence  has  not  con- 
nected the  permanent  ielicity  of  a  nation  witli  its  virtue  ?  The  expe 
riment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  sentiment  which  ennoblet 
human  nature.     Alas !  is  it  rendered  impos-.-ible  by  its  vices  ? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothing  is  more  essential  than  that 
permanent  inveterate  antipathies  against  particular  nations,  and  pas- 
sionate attachments  for  others,  should  be  excluded  ;  and  that,  in  place 
of  them,  just  and  amicable  feelings  towards  all  should  be  cultivated. 
The  nation  which  indulges  towards  another  an  habitual  hatred,  or  an 
habitual  fondness,  is,  in  some  degree,  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to  its  an! 
mosity  or  to  its  aflTection  ;  either  of  whicli  is  sufBcient  to  lead  it  astra3 
from  its  duty  and  its  interest.  Antipathy  in  one  nation  against 
another,  disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult  and  injury,  to  lay  hold 
of  slight  causes  of  umbrage,  and  to  be  haughty  and  intractable,  when 
accidental  or  trifling  occasions  of  dispute  occur.  Hence  frequent  col 
lisions,  obstinate,  envenomed,  and  bloody  contests.  The  nation 
prompted  by  ill-will  and  resentment,  sometimes  impels  to  war  th( 
Government,  contrary  to  the  best  calculations  of  policy.  The  Gov 
ernment  sometimes  participates  in  the  national  propensity,  and  adopts, 
through  passion,  what  reason  would  reject ;  at  other  times  it  makes 
the  animosity  of  the  nation  subservient  to  projects  of  hostility,  insti- 
gated by  pride,  ambition,  and  other  sinister  and  pernicious  motives. 
The  peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  liberty,  of  nations  has  been 
the  victim. 

So,  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  nation  to  another  pro- 
duces a  variety  of  evils.  Sympathy  for  the  favorite  nation,  facilitating 
the  illusion  of  an  imaginary  common  interest,  in  cases  where  no  real 
common  interest  exists,  and  infusing  into  one  the  enmities  of  the 
other,  betrays  the  former  into  a  participation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars 
of  the  latter,  without  adequate  inducement  or  justification.  It  leada 
also  to  concessions  to  the  favorite  nation  of  privileges  denied  to 
others,  which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure  the  nation  making  the  conces- 
sions ;  by  unnecessarily  parting  with  what  ought  to  have  been  retain- 
ed, and  by  exciting  jealousy,  ill-will,  and  a  disposition  to  retaliate,  in 
the  parties  from  whom  equal  privileges  are  withheld  ;  and  it  gives  to 
ambitious,  corrupted,  or  deluded  citizens  (who  devote  themselves  to 
the  favorite  nation)  facility  to  betray,  or  sacrifice  the  interest  of  their 
own  country,  without  odium  ;  sometimes  even  with  popularity  ;  gild- 
ing with  the  appearance  of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obligation,  a  commend- 
able deference  for  public  opinion,  or  a  laudable  zeal  for  public  good 
the  base  or  foolish  compliances  of  ambition,  corruption,  or  infatratiou 


52  Washington's  farewell  address. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable  ways,  such  atlacb 
monts  are  particularly  alarming  to  the  truly  enlightened  and  independ- 
ent patriot.  How  many  opportunities  do  they  afford  to  tamper  with 
domestic  factions,  to  practice  the  art  of  seduction,  to  mislead  public 
opinion,  to  influence  or  awe  the  public  councils !  Such  an  attach- 
ment of  a  small  or  weak,  towards  a  great  and  powerful  nation,  dooms 
the  former  to  be  the  satellite  of  the  latter. 

Against  the  insidious  -wiles  of  foreign  influence  (I  conjure  you  to 
believe  me,  fellow-citizens,)  the  jealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be 
comtanthj  awake  ;  since  history  and  experience  prove  that  foreign 
influence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of  republican  Government.  But 
that  jtalousy,  to  be  useful,  must  be  impartial ;  else  it  becomes  the  in- 
strument of  the  very  influence  to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defence 
against  it.  Excessive  partiality  for  one  foreign  nation,  and  excessive 
dislike  for  another,  cause  those  whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger  only 
on  one  side,  and  serve  to  veil,  and  even  second,  the  arts  of  influence 
on  the  other.  Real  patriots,  who  may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the 
favorite,  are  liable  to  become  suspected  and  odious  ;  while  its  tools  and 
dupes  usurp  the  applause  and  confidence  of  the  people,  to  surrender 
their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  is,  in 
extending  our  commercial  relations,  to  have  with  them  as  little  polit- 
i«al  connection  as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have  already  foi-med  engage- 
ments, let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect  good  faith.     Here  let  us  stop. 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us  hfive  none,  or  a 
very  remote  relation.  Hence  she  must  be  engaged  in  frequent  contro- 
versies, the  causes  of  which  are  essentially  foreign  to  our  concerns. 
Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us  to  implicate  ourselves,  by 
artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicissitudes  of  her  politics,  or  the  ordi- 
nary combinations  and  collisions  of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  enables  us  to  pursue 
a  different  course.  If  we  remain  one  people,  under  an  efficient  Gov- 
ernment, the  period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may  defy  material  injury 
from  external  annoyance  ;  when  we  may  take  such  an  attitude  as  will 
cause  the  neutrality  we  may  at  any  time  resolve  upon,  to  be  scrupu- 
lously respected  ;  when  belligerent  nations,  under  the  impossibiUty  of 
making  acquisitions  upon  ub,  will  not  lightly  ha2ard  the  giving  us  pro- 
vocation ;  when  we  may  choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  interest,  guided 
by  justice,  shall  counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situation  ?  Why  quit 
Dur  own  to  stand  upon  foreign  ground  ?  Why,  by  interweaving  our 
Sestiny  with  that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  pros- 
perity in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rivalship,  interest,  humor  or 
caprice  ? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  alliances  with  any 
portion  of  the  foreign  world  ;  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty 
io  do  it ;  for  let  me  not  be  understood  as  capable  of  patronising  infi. 
^elity  to  existing  engagements.     I  hold  the  maxim  no  less  applicable 


Washington's  KAaEWEU,  address  f>-i 

to  public  than  to  private  afiairs,  that  honesty  is  always  the  beet  policv 
I  repeat  it,  therefore,  let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their 
genuine  sense.  But.  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary,  and  would  be 
unwise  to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable  establisiiments, 
on  -a,  respectable  defensive  posture,  we  may  safely  trust  to  temporary 
alliances  for  extraordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  and  a  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations,  are  recom- 
mended by  policy,  humanity,  and  interest.  But  even  our  commercial 
policy  should  hold  an  equal  and  impartial  hand  ;  neither  seeking  nor 
granting  exclusive  favors  or  preferences ;  consulting  the  natural 
course  of  things  ;  diffusing  and  diversifying,  by  gentle  means,  the 
streams  of  commerce,  but  forcing  nothing  ;  establishing,  with  powers 
so  disposed,  in  order  to  give  trade  a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights 
of  our  merchants,  and  to  enable  the  Government  to  support  them, 
conventional  rules  of  intercourse,  the  best  that  present  circumstances 
and  mutual  opinions  will  permit,  but  temporary,  and  liable  to  be,  from 
time  to  time,  abandoned  or  varied,  as  experience  and  circumstances 
shall  dictate  ;  constantly  keeping  in  view,  that  it  is  folly  in  one  nation 
to  look  for  disinterested  favors  from  another  ;  that  it  must  pay,  with 
a  portion  of  its  independence,  for  whatever  it  may  accept  under  that 
character ;  that  by  such  acceptance  it  may  place  itself  in  the  condition 
of  having  given  equivalents  for  nominal  favors,  and  yet  of  being  re- 
proached with  ingratitude  for  not  giving  more.  There  can  be  no 
greater  error  than  to  expect,  or  calculate  upon,  real  favors  from  nation 
to  nation.  It  is  an  illusion  which  experience  must  cure,  which  a  just 
pride  ought  to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels  of  an  old  ar  a 
affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope  they  will  make  the  strong  and  last- 
ing impression  I  could  wish  ;  that  they  will  control  the  usual  current 
of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from  running  the  course  which 
has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny  of  nations  ;  but  if  I  may  even  flatter 
myself  that  they  may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some  oc- 
casional good ;  that  they  may  now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the 
fury  of  party  spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigues, 
to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended  patriotism  ;  this  hoj)e 
will  be  a  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your  welfare  by  which 
they  have  been  dictated. 

How  far,  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties,  I  have  been  guided 
by  the  principles  which  have  been  delineated,  the  public  records,  and 
other  evidences  of  my  conduct,  must  witness  to  you  and  the  world. 
To  myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own  conscience  is,  that  I  have  at  least 
beiio.\-d  n.yself  to  be  guided  by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in  Europe,  my  proclamation 
of  the  22d  of  April,  1 793,  is  the  index  to  ray  plan.  Sanctioned  by 
your  approving  voice,  and  by  that  of  your  Representatives  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that  measure  has  continually  gov- 
••  Med  me,  uninfluenced  by  any  attempts  to  deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 


i/l  WA.SHIN'fiTDN  S    IWREWKLL    AIDRESS. 

After  deliberate  examiuation,  with  the  aid  of  the  best  lights  I  coald 
obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that  our  country,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  had  a  right  to  take,  and  was  bound  in  duty  and 
interest  to  take,  a  neutral  position.  Having  taken  it,  I  determined,  as 
far  as  should  depend  upon  me,  to  maintain  it  with  moderation,  perse- 
verance, and  firmness. 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to  hold  this  conduct,  it 
is  not  necessary  on  this  occasion  to  detail.  I  will  only  observe,  that, 
according  to  my  understanding  of  the  matter,  that  right,  so  far  from 
being  denied  by  any  of  the  belligerent  powers,  has  been  virtually 
admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be  inferred,  without 
any  thing  more,  from  the  obligation  which  justice  and  humanity 
impose  on  every  nation,  in  cases  in  which  it  is  free  to  act,  to  maintain 
fnviolate  the  relations  of  peace  and  amity  towards  other  nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest,  for  observing  that  conduct,  will  best 
be  referred  to  your  own  reflections  and  experience.  With  me,  a  pre- 
dominant motive  has  been  to  endeavor  to  gain  time  to  our  country  tc 
settle  and  mature  its  yet  recent  institutions,  and  to  progress,  without 
interruption,  to  that  degree  of  strength  and  consistency  which  is 
necessary  to  give  it,  humanly  speaking,  the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 

Though  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration,  I  am  un- 
conscious of  intentional  error  ;  I  am,  nevertheless,  too  sensible  of  my 
defects  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have  committed  many 
errors.  Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to 
avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they  may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry 
with  me  the  hope,  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to  Aaew  them 
with  indulgence  ;  and  that,  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life  dedicated 
to  its  service  with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities 
will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansiooa 
of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this,  as  in  other  things,  and  actuated  by 
that  fervent  love  towards  it  which  is  so  natural  to  a  man  who  views 
in  it  the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  genera- 
tions, I  anticipate,  with  pleasing  expectation,  that  retreat  in  which  I 
promise  myself  to  realize,  without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  par- 
taking, in  the  midst  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good 
laws  under  a  free  Government — the  ever  favorite  object  of  my  heart — 
and  the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust;  of  our  mutual  care'^  labors,  and 
dangers. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Ukitid  States,  l*lth  September,  1796. 


MISSOURI    COMPROMISE POPULATION'    UNITED   STATES. 


0..> 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  OF  1820. 

When  Missouri  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union,  a  proposi 
tion  was  started  in  Congress  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  slavery 
into  the  new  state.  This  had  the  effect  of  arraying  the  South  against 
the  North — the  slave-holding  against  the  nou-slave-holding  states — and 
the  whole  subject  of  slavery  became  the  exciting  topic  of  debate 
throughout  the  country.  The  question  was  finally  settled  by  a  Com- 
pinmise,  which  tole-ated  slavery  in  Missouri,  but  otherwise  prohibited 
:t  in  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States  north  and  west  of  the 
northern  limits  of  Arkansas. 

As  the  principle  then  settled  has  often  since  been  the  prolific  source 
of  much  sectional  controversy  and  angry  debate,  and  as  it  is  desirable 
that  every  one  should  be  familiar  with  the  real  provisions  of  the  act  by 
which  Missouri  was  admitted,  we  have  concluded  to  insert  here  so 
much  of  the  law  as  is  necessary  to  a  full  understanding  of  the  subject. 
All  the  sections  except  the  following  relate  entirely  to  the  formation 
of  the  Missouri  territory,  in  the  usual  form  of  territorial  bills  : 

"  Sec.  8.  That  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United 
States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  thirty-six 
degrees  and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  not  included  within  the 
limits  of  the  state  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involuntary 
servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the 
parties  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  for  ever 
prohibited.  Provided  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into  the  same, 
from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed,  in  any  state  or  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed 
aud  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as 
aforesaid." 


POPULATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AT  DECENNIAL  PERIODS. 


CensuE 

White 
Persons. 

Colored  Persons. 

Total 

Years. 

Free. 

Slave. 

Total 

Population. 

1790... 

3,172,464 

59,466 

697,897 

757,363 

3,929,827 

1800... 

4,304,489 

108,395 

893,041 

1,001,436 

5,305,925 

1810... 

5,862,004 

186,446 

1,191,364 

1,377,810 

7,239.814 

1820... 

7.861,937 

238,156 

1,538,038 

1,776,194 

9,638,13] 

1830... 

10.537,378 

319.^)9 

2.009,043 

2,328,642 

12,866,020 

1840... 

14,195,695 

386,303 

2,487,455 

2,873,758 

17,069,45;^ 

1850... 

19,553.068 

434,495 

3.204,313 

3,638.808 

23,191,876 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  above  table  that  the  population  increase*, 
naturally  and  by  immigration  at  the  yearly  rate  of  three  per  cent, 
which  would  give,  in  1855,  about  27,000,000,  and  in  1860,  31 ,000.000 


56 


FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  OF  1850. 

4??  Act  to  amend,  mid  supplementary  to,  the  Act  entitled  "  Ai\ 
Act  respecting  Fugitives  from,  Justice,  and  persons  escaping 
.  from  the  Service  of  their  Masters"  approved  Feburary   12, 
1793. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  persons  who  have 
been,  or  may  hereafter  be,  appointed  Commissioners,  in  virtue  of  any 
Act  of  Congress,  by  the  Circuit  Courts  of  the  United  States,  and  who, 
in  consequence  of  such  appointment,  are  authorized  to  exercise  the 
powers  that  any  justice  of  the  peace,  or  other  magistrate  of  any  of  the 
United  States,  may  exercise  in  respect  to  offenders  for  any  crime  or 
offence  against  the  United  States,  by  arresting,  imprisoning,  or  bail- 
ing the  same,  under  and  by  virtue  of  the  thirty-third  section  of  the  act 
of  the  twenty-fourth  of  September,  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty 
nine,  entitled  "  An  Act  to  establish  the  judicial  courts  of  the  United 
States,  "  shall  be,  and  are  hereby,  authorized  and  required  to  exer- 
cise and  discharge  all  the  powers  and  duties  conferred  by  this  Act. 

Sec.  2-  That  the  Superior  Court  of  each  organized  territory  of 
the  United  States  shall  have  the  same  power  to  appoint  Commission- 
ers to  take  acknowledgments  of  bail  and  affidavits,  and  to  take  depo- 
sitions of  witnesses  in  civil  causes,  which  is  now  possessed  by  the 
Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  Commissioners  who  shall 
hereafter  be  appointed  for  such  purposes  by  the  Superior  Court  of 
any  organized  territory  of  the  United  States,  shall  possess  all  the 
powers,  and  exercise  all  the  duties,  conferred  by  law  upon  the  Commis- 
sioners appointed  by  the  Circuit  Courts  of  the  United  States  for 
similar  purposes,  and  shall  moreover  exercise  and  discharge  all  the 
powers  and  duties  conferred  by  this  Act. 

Sec.  3.  That  the  Circuit  Courts  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Superior  Courts  of  eac'  organized  territory  of  the  United  States 
shall  from  time  to  time  ,arge  the  number  of  Commissioners  with  a 
view  to  afford  reasona'  facilities  to  reclaim  fugitives  from  labor,  and 
k)  the  prompt  discharg    of  the  duties  imposed  by  this  Act. 

Sec.  4.  That  the  Commissioners  above  named  shall  have  concurrent 
jurisdiction  with  the  Judges  of  the  Circuit  and  District  Courts  of  the 
United  States,  in  their  respective  circuits  and  districts  within  the 
several  States,  and  the  Judges  of  the  Superior  Courts  of  the  territo- 
ries severally  and  collectively,  in  term-time  and  vacation ;  and  shall 
grant  certificates  to  such  claimants,  upon  satisfactory  proof  being 
made,  with  authority  to  take  and  remove  such  fugitives  from  service  or 
labor,  under  the  restrictions  herein  contained,  to  the  state  or  terri- 
tory from  which  such  persons  may  have  escaped  or  fled. 

Sec.  5.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  marshals  and  deputy 
marshals  to  obey  and  execute  all  warrants  and  precepts  issned  under 


rUGmV£    SLAVE    LAW.  iil 

the  provisions  of  tlii.s  act,  when  to  them  directed  ;  mid  should  any 
marshal  or  deputy  marshal  refuse  to  receive  such  warrant,  or  othei 
process,  wliea  tendered,  or  to  use  all  proper  mean?  diligently  to 
execute  the  same,  he  shall,  on  conviction  thereof,  be  fined  in  the  sun* 
of  one  thousand  dollars,  to  the  use  of  such  claimant,  on  the  motion  of 
such  claimant,  by  the  Circuit  or  District  Court  for  the  district  of 
such  marshal ;  and  after  arrest  of  such  fu^-itive,  by  such  marshal  ox 
his  deputy,  or  whilst  at  any  time  in  his  custody,  under  the  provisions 
of  this  act,  should  such  fugitive  escape,  whether  with  or  without  the 
assent  of  such  marshal  or  his  deputy,  such  marshal  shall  be  liable,  on 
his  official  bond,  to  be  prosecuted  for  the  benefit  of  such  claimant,  for 
the  full  value  of  the  service  or  labor  of  said  fugitive  in  the  state,  ter- 
ritory, or  district  whence  he  escaped  ;  and  the  better  to  enable  said 
Commissioners,  when  thus  appointed,  to  execute  their  duties  faithfully 
and  efficiently,  in  conformity  with  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  of  this  Act,  they  are  hereby  authorized  and 
empowered,  within  their  counties  respectively,  to  appoint,  in  writiiig 
under  their  hands,  any  one  or  more  suitable  persons,  from  time  to 
time,  to  execute  all  such  warrants  and  other  process  as  may  be  issued 
by  them  in  the  lawful  performance  of  their  respective  duties;  with 
authority  to  such  Commissioners,  or  the  persons  to  be  appointed  by 
them,  to  execute  process  as  aforesaid,  to  summon  and  call  to  their  aid 
the  bystanders,  or  posse  com^atus  of  the  proper  county,  when  necessary 
to  insure  a  faithful  observance  of  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  refer- 
red to,  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  this  act ;  and  all  good 
citizens  are  commanded  to  aid  and  assist  in  the  prompt  and  efficient 
execution  of  this  law,  whenever  their  services  may  be  required,  aa 
aforesaid,  for  that  purpose :  and  said  warrants  shall  run,  and  be 
executed  by  said  officers,  anywhere  in  the  state  within  which  they 
are  issued. 

Sec.  6.  That  when  a  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  any  stak 
or  territory  of  the  United  States,  has  heretofore  or  shall  hereafter 
escape  into  another  state  or  territory  of  the  United  States,  the  person 
or  persons  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due,  or  his,  her,  or 
their  agent  or  attorney,  duly  authorized  by  power  of  a,^torney,  in 
wi'iting  acknowledged  and  certified  under  the  seal  of  some  legal  officer 
•r  Court  of  the  state  or  territory  in  which  the  same  may  be  executed, 
may  pursue  and  reclaim  such  fugitive  person,  either  by  procuring  a 
warrant  from  some  one  of  the  Courts,  Judges,  or  Commissioners  afore- 
said, of  the  proper  circuit,  district,  or  county,  for  the  apprehension  of 
inch  fugitive  frjm  service  or  labor,  or  by  seizing  and  arresting  such 
fugitive  where  the  si\me  can  be  done  without  process,  and  by  taking 
or  causing  such  person  to  be  tulion  forthwith  before  such  Court. 
Judge  or  (,'omniisiiioner,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  hear  and  determine 
the  case  of  such  claimant  in  a  summary  manner ;  and  upon  satisfac- 
tory proof  being  made,  by  deposition  or  affidavit,  in  writing,  to  be 
taken,  and  certified  by  such  Court,  Judge  or  Commissioner,  or  by 
other  satisfactory  testimony,  duly  taken  and  certified  bj  some  Coar^ 


58  FCGITIVF.    ST,A\'E    LAW. 

Magistrate,  Justice  of  the  Peace,  or  other  legal  officer  authorized  to 
administer  an  oath  and  take  depositions  under  the  laws  of  the  state 
or  territory  from  which  sucli  person  owing  service  or  labor  may  have 
escaped,  with  a  certificate  of  such  magistracy,  or  other  authority  as 
aforesaid,  v/ith  the  seal  of  the  proper  Court  or  officer  thereto  attached, 
which  seal  shall  be  sufficient  to  establish  the  competency  of  the  proof, 
and  with  proof,  also  by  affidavit,  of  the  identity  of  the  person  whose 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due  as  aforesaid,  that  the  jjerson  so 
arrested  does  in  fact  owe  service  or  labor  to  the  person  or  persona 
claiming  him  or  her,  in  the  state  or  territory  from  which  such  fugi- 
tive may  have  escaped  as  aforesaid,  and  that  said  person  escaped,  to 
make  out  and  deliver  to  said  claimant,  his  or  her  agent  or  attorney,  a 
certificate  setting  forth  the  substantial  facts  as  to  the  service  or  labor 
I'ue  from  such  fugitive  to  the  claimant,  and  of  his  or  her  escape  frora 
(he  state  or  territory  in  which  such  service  or  labor  was  due  to  the 
state  or  territory  in  which  he  or  she  was  arrested,  with  authority  to 
such  claimant,  or  his  or  her  agent  or  attorney,  to  use  such  reasonable 
force  and  restraint  as  may  be  necessary,  under  the  circumstances 
of  the  case,  to  take  and  remove  such  fugitive  person  back  to  the  state 
or  territory  whence  he  or  she  may  have  escaped  as  aforesaid.  In  no 
trial  or  hearing  under  this  Act  shall  the  testimony  of  such  alleged 
fugitive  be  admitted  in  evidence ;  and  the  certificates  in  this  and  the 
first  [fourth]  section  mentioned,  shall  be  conclusive  of  the  right  of  the 
person  or  persons  in  whose  favor  granted,  to  remove  such  fugitive 
to  the  state  or  territory  from  which  he  escaped,  and  shall  prevent  all 
molestation  of  such  person  or  persons  by  any  process  issued  by  any 
Court,  Judge,  Magistrate,  or  other  person  whomsoever. 

Sec.  7.  That  any  person  who  shall  knowingly  and  willingly 
obstruct,  hinder,  or  prevent  such  claimant,  his  agent  or  attorney,  or 
any  person  or  persons  lawfully  assisting  him,  her  or  them,  from  arrest- 
ing such  a  fugitive  from  service  or  labor,  either  with  or  without 
process  as  aforesaid,  or  shall  rescue  or  attempt  to  rescue  such  fugitive 
from  service  or  labor,  from  the  custody  of  such  claimant,  his  or  her 
agent  or  attorney,  or  other  person  or  persons  lawfully  assisting  aa 
aforesaid,  when  so  arrested  pursuant  to  the  authority  herein  given  and 
i"!eclared,  or  shall  aid,  abet,  or  assist  such  person  so  owing  service 
or  labor  as  aforesaid,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  escape  from  such 
rlaimant,  his  agent  or  attorney,  or  other  person  or  persons  legally 
tuthorized  as  aforesaid ;  or  shall  harbor  or  conceal  such  fugitive 
so  as  to  prevent  the  discovery  and  arrest  of  such  person,  after  notice 
or  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  such  person  was  a  fugitive  from  service 
or  labor  as  aforesaid,  shall,  for  either  of  said  offences,  be  subject  to  a 
fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars,  and  imprisonment  not  exceed- 
ing six  months,  by  indictment  and  conviction  before  the  District 
Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  district  in  which  such  offence  may 
have  been  committed,  or  before  the  proper  court  of  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion, if  committed  within  any  one  of  the  organized  territories  of  the 
Uniterl  States,  and  shall  moreover  forfeit  and  pay,  by  way  of  ciTi] 


FTGITIVK    .-I.AVK    LAW.  59 

damages  to  fhe  party  injured  by  such  illegal  comluct,  the  sum  of  oqo 
thousand  dollars,  for  each  fugitive  so  lost  as  aforesaid,  to  be  recovered 
by  action  of  debt  in  any  of  the  District  or  Territorial  Courts  afore- 
said, within  whose  jurisdiction  the  said  oiiencc  may  have  beec 
committed. 

rtEC.  8.  That  the  marshals,  their  deputies,  and  the  clerks  of  the 
gaid  District  and  Territorial  Courts,  shall  be  paid  for  their  service? 
the  like  fees  as  may  be  allowed  to  them  for  similar  services  in  other 
cases  ;  and  where  such  services  are  rendered  exclusively  in  the  arrcsv, 
custody,  and  delivery  of  the  fugitive  to  the  claimant,  his  or  her  agent 
or  attorney,  or  where  such  supposed  fugitive  may  be  discharged  out  of 
custody  for  the  want  of  sufficient  proof  as  aforesaid,  then  such  fees  are 
to  be  paid  in  the  whole  by  such  claimant,  his  agent  or  attorney  ;  and 
in  all  cases  where  the  proceedings  are  before  a  Commissioner,  he  shall 
be  entitled  to  a  fee  of  ten  dollars  in  full  for  his  services  in  each  case, 
npon  the  delivery  of  the  said  certificate  to  the  claimant,  his  or  her 
agent  or  attorney  ;  or  a  fee  of  five  dollars  in  cases  where  the  proof 
shall  not,  in  the  opinion  of  such  Commissioner,  warrant  such  certificate 
and  delivery,  inclusive  of  all  services  incident  to  such  arrest  and 
examination,  to  be  paid  in  either  case  by  the  claimant,  his  or  her 
agent  or  attorney.  The  person  or  persons  authorized  to  execute  the 
process  to  be  issued  by  such  Commissioner  for  the  arrest  and  deten- 
tion of  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  as  aforesaid,  shall  also  be 
entitled  to  a  fee  of  five  dollars  each,  for  each  person  he  or  they  may 
arrest  and  take  before  any  such  Commissioner,  as  aforesaid,  at  tho 
instance  and  request  of  such  claimant,  with  such  other  fees  as  may 
be  deemed  reasonable  by  such  Commissioners  for  such  other  addi- 
tional services  as  may  be  necessarily  performed  by  him  or  them  ;  such 
as  attending  at  the  examination,  keeping  the  fugitive  in  custody,  and 
providing  him  with  food  and  lodging  during  his  detention,  and  until 
the  final  determination  of  such  Commissioner ;  and,  in  general,  for 
performing  such  other  duties  as  may  be  required  by  such  claimant,  his 
or  her  attorney  or  agent,  or  Commissioner  in  the  premises.  Such  ff^es 
to  be  made  up  in  conformity  with  the  fees  usually  charged  by  th« 
officers  of  the  courts  of  justice  within  the  proper  district  or  county,  as 
near  as  may  be  practicable,  and  paid  by  such  claimants,  their  agents 
or  attorneys,  whether  such  supposed  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  be 
ordered  to  be  delivered  to  such  claimants  by  the  firial  determination 
of  such  Commissioner  or  not 

Sec.  9.  That,  upon  affidavit  made  by  the  claimant  of  such  fugitive, 
his  age»t  or  attorney,  after  such  certificate  has  been  issued,  that 
lie  has  reason  to  apprehend  that  such  fugitive  will  be  rescued  by  force 
from  his  or  her  possession  before  he  can  be  taken  beyond  the  limits  of 
tlie  state  in  which  the  arrest  is  made,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  officer 
ir.uking  the  arrest  to  retain  such  fugitive  in  his  custody,  and  to  remove 
him  to  the  state  whence  he  fled,  and  there  to  deliver  him  to  said 
claimant,  his  agent  or  attorney.  And  to  this  end  the  offic(;r  afore- 
said is  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  employ  so  many  persona 


CO  .  FUGITIVE    SLAVE    LAW 

IS  he  may  deem  necessary  to  overcome  such  force,  and  lo  re'^ia  them 
in  his  service  so  long  as  circumstances  may  require.  The  said  officer 
«iud  his  assistants  while  so  employed  to  receive  the  same  compensation, 
ind  to  be  allowed  the  same  expenses  as  are  now  allowed  by  law  lor 
:rausportation  of  criminals,  to  be  certified  by  the  judge  of  the  district 
A'ithin  which  the  arrest  is  made,  and  paid  out  cf  the  treasury  of  the 
Cnited  States. 

Sec.  10.  That  when  any  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  any 
state  or  territory,  or  in  the  district  of  Columbia,  shall  escape  there- 
from, the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due,  his,  her, 
or  their  agent  or  attorney,  may  apply  to  any  court  of  record  therein, 
or  judge  thereof  in  vacation,  and  make  satisfactory  proof  to  such 
court  or  judge  in  vacation,  of  the  escape  aforesaid,  and  that  the 
person  escaping  owed  service  or  labor  to  such  party.  Whereupon 
the  court  shall  cause  a  record  to  be  made  of  the  matters  so  proved, 
and  also  a  general  desw'iption  of  the  person  so  escaping,  with  such 
convenient  certainty  as  may  be  ;  and  a  transcript  of  such  record, 
authenticated  by  the  attestation  of  the  clerk  and  of  the  seal  of  the 
said  court,  being  produced  in  any  other  state,  territory  or  district  in 
which  the  person  so  escaping  may  be  found,  and  being  exhibited 
to  any  Judge,  Commissioner,  or  other  officir  authorized  by  the  law 
of  the  United  States  to  cause  persons  escaping  from  service  or  labor 
to  be  delivered  up,  shall  be  held  and  taken  to  be  full  and  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  fact  of  the  escape,  and  that  the  service  or  labor  of  the 
person  escaping  is  due  to  the  party  in  such  record  mentioned.  And 
upon  the  production  by  the  said  party  of  other  and  further  evidence 
if  necessary,  either  oral  or  by  affidavit,  in  addition  to  M-hat  is  con- 
tained in  the  said  record  of  the  identity  of  the  person  escaping,  he  or 
she  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  claima-nt.  And  the  said  Court,  Com- 
missioner, Judge,  or  other  person  authorized  by  this  Act  to  grant  cer- 
tificates to  claimants  of  fugitives,  shall,  upon  the  production  of  the 
record  and  other  evidences  aforesaid,  grant  to  such  claimant  a  certifi- 
cate of  his  right  to  take  any  such  person  identified  and  proved  to  bo 
owing  service  or  labor  as  aforesaid,  which  shall  authorize  such  claim- 
ant to  seize  or  arrest  and  transport  such  person  to  the  state  or  terri- 
tory from  which  he  escaped  :  Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained 
shall  be  construed  as  requiring  the  production  of  a  transcript  of  such 
record  as  evidence  as  aforesaid.  But  in  its  absence  the  claim  shall  be 
beard  and  determined  upon  o'lier  satisfactory  prjofs,  competent  in  law 

Approval  September  18,  1950. 


KANSAS  AND  NEBRASK  k  ACT  OF  1854. 

An  Ad  to  Organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  aud  Kansas, 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  Iloicse  of  KeprescrJatives  of  tki 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assi'rnl/led,  'riiiit  aii  that  part  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  included  witliiu  tlje  following  limits, 
except  such  portions  thereof  as  are  hereiuafter  expres.-ly  exempted 
from  the  operations  of  this  Act,  to  wit :  beg'iiiniuj  at  a  point  in  the 
Missouri  river  where  the  fortieth  parallel  of  north  latitude  crosses  the 
same  ;  thence  west  on  said  parallel  to  the  east  boundary  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Utah  on  the  summit  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  thence  on  said 
eummit  northward  to  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude;  thence 
east  on  said  parallel  to  the  western  boundary  of  the  territory  of  Minne- 
sota ;  thence  southward  on  said  boundary  to  the  Missouri  river ;  thence 
down  the  main  channel  of  said  river  to  the  place  of  beginning,  be,  and 
the  same  is  hereby,  created  into  a  temporary  government  by  the  name 
of  the  territory  of  Nebraska  ;  and  when  admitted  as  a  state  or  states, 
the  said  territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be  received  into 
the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  constitution  may  prescribe 
at  the  time  of  their  admission  :  Provided,  That  nothing  in  this  Act 
contained  shall  be  construed  to  inhibit  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  from  dividing  said  territory  into  two  or  more  territories,  in 
such  manner  and  at  such  times  as  Congress  shall  deem  convenient  and 
proper,  or  from  attaching  any  portion  of  said  territory  to  any  other 
state  or  territory  of  the  United  States  :  Provided  further,  That 
nothing  in  this  Act  contained  shall  be  construed  to  impair  the  righta 
of  person  or  property  now  pertahiing  to  the  Indians  in  said  territory, 
so  long  as  such  rights  sliall  remain  unextinguished  by  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  such  Indians,  or  to  include  any  territory'  which, 
by  treaty  with  any  Indian  tribe,  is  not,  without  the  consent  of  said 
tribe,  to  be  included  within  the  territorial  limits  or  jurisdiction  of  any 
state  or  territory  ;  but  all  such  territory  shall  be  excepted  out  of  the 
boundaries,  and  constitute  no  part  of  the  territory  of  Nebraska,  until 
said  tribe  shall  signify  their  assent  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  be  included  within  the  said  territory  of  Nebraska,  or  to 
affect  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  make 
any  regulations  respecting  such  Indians,  their  lands,  property  or  other 
rights,  by  treaty,  law,  or  otherwise,  which  it  would  have  been  compe- 
tent to  the  government  to  make  if  this  Act  had  never  passed. 

Sko.  2.  That  the  executive  power  and  authority  in  and  over  said 
(crritory  of  Nebraska  shall  be  vested  in  a  Governor,  who  shall  hold 
his  office  for  four  years,  and  until  his  succesvsor  shall  be  appointed  and 
Mualifiod,  unless  sooner  removed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  Governor  shall  reside  M-ithin  said  territory,  and  shall  be  com- 
jianuer-in-chief  of  the  militia  thereof.  He  may  grant  pardons  and 
respites  for  offences  against  the  laws  of  said  territory,  and  reprieves  for 
offences  again»t  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  until  the  decision  oi 


fi2  KANSAS    AND    NEBRASKA    ACT. 

the  President  can  be  made  known  thereon ;  he  shall  commission  all 
officers  who  shall  be  appointed  to  office  under  the  laws  of  the  said  ter- 
ritory, and  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed. 

riEC.  3.  That  there  shall  be  a  secretary  of  said  territory,  who  shall 
reside  therein,  and  hold  his  office  for  five  years,  unless  sooner  removed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  he  shall  record  and  preserve 
all  the  laws  and  proceedings  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  hereinafter 
constituted,  and  all  the  acts  and  proceedings  of  the  (iovcruor  in  his 
executive  department ;  he  shall  transmit  one  copy  of  the  laws  and 
journals  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  within  thirty  days  after  the  end 
of  each  session,  and  one  copy  of  the  executive  proceedings  and  official 
correspondence  semi-annually,  on  the  first  days  of  January  and  July  in 
each  year,  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  two  copies  of 
the  laws  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  and  to  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Eepresentativee,  to  be  deposited  in  the  libraries  of  Congress  ; 
and,  in  case  of  the  death,  removal,  resignation,  or  absence  of  the 
Governor  from  the  territory,  the  secretary  shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized  and  required  to  execute  and  perform  all  the  powers  and 
duties  of  the  Governor  during  such  vacancy  or  absence,  or  until  another 
Governor  shall  be  duly  appointed  and  qualified  to  fill  such  vacancy. 

Sec.  4.  That  the  legislative  power  and  authority  of  said  territory 
shall  be  vested  in  the  Governor  and  a  Legislative  Assembly.  The  Legis- 
lative Assembly  shall  consist  of  a  Council  and  House  of  Representatives 
The  Council  shall  consist  of  thirteen  members,  having  the  qualifications 
of  voters,  as  hereinafter  prescribed,  whose  term  of  service  shall  con- 
tinue two  years.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall,  at  its  first 
session,  consist  of  twenty-six  members,  possessing  the  same  qualifica- 
tions as  prescribed  for  members  of  the  Council,  and  whose  term  of 
service  shall  continue  one  year.  The  number  of  representatives  may 
be  increased  by  the  Legislative  Assembly,  from  time  to  time,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  increase  of  qualified  voters  :  Provided,  That  the  whole 
number  shall  never  exceed  thirty-nine  ;  an  apportionment  shall  be  made 
as  nearly  equal  as  practicable,  among  the  several  counties  or  districts 
for  the  election  of  the  Council  and  representatives,  giving  to  each 
section  of  the  territory  representation  in  the  ratio  of  its  qualified  voters 
as  nearly  as  may  be.  And  the  members  of  the  Council  and  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  shall  reside  in,  and  be  inhabitants  of,  tht 
district  or  county,  or  counties,  for  which  they  may  be  elected  respect- 
ively. Previous  to  the  first  election,  the  Governor  shall  c^iFse  a  census 
or  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  and  qualified  voters  oi  the  several 
counties  and  districts  of  the  territory,  to  be  taken  by  sujh  ^yP'sonsand 
in  such  mode  as  the  Governor  shall  designate  and  apro'.n', ,  and  the, 
persons  so  appointed  shall  receive  a  reasonable  compemd'jrii  therefor 
And  the  first  election  shall  be  held  at  such  times  and  places,  and 
be  conducted  in  such  manner,  both  as  to  the  persons  •"/ho  shall  super- 
intend such  election  and  the  returns  thereof,  as  the  Governor  sliall 
ujipoint  and  direct ;  and  he  shall  at  the  same  time  declare  tho  nonibei 
of  members  of  the  Council  and  House  of  RepreGeutyitives  to  which  eacl? 
of  the  counties  or  districts  stuall  be  entitled  under  this  Act.     Th?.  per- 


KANSAS    AXD    N'EBI.ASKA    ACT.  ^»3 

Bons  having  the  highest  number  of  legal  votes  in  each  of  said  Couuci! 
districts  for  members  of  the  Council,  shall  be  declared  bj-  the  Governor 
to  be  duly  elected  to  the  Council  ;  and  the  persons  having  the  highest 
number  of  legal  votes  for  the  House  of  Representatives,  shall  be 
declared  by  the  Governor  to  be  duly  elected  members  of  said  House  : 
Provided,  That  in  case  two  or  more  persons  voted  for  shall  have 
an  equal  number  of  votes,  and  in  case  a  vacancy  shall  otherwise  occur 
'Q  either  branch  of  the  Le2:islativo  Assemblv,  the  Goveruor  shall  order 
I  new  election  ;  and  the  persons  thus  elected  to  the  Legislative  Assem- 
i)ly  shall  meet  at  such  place  and  on  such  day  as  the  Governor  shall 
appoint ;  but  thereafter,  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  holding  and 
conducting  all  elections  by  the  people,  and  the  apportioning  the  repre- 
sentation in  the  several  counties  or  districts  to  the  Council  and  House 
of  Representatives,  according  to  the  number  of  qualified  voters,  shall 
be  prescribed  by  law,  as  well  as  the  day  of  the  commencement  of  the 
regular  sessions  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  :  Provided,  That  no 
session  in  any  one  year  shall  exceed  the  term  of  forty  days,  except  the 
f.rst  session,  which  may  continue  sixty  days. 

Sec.  .5.  That  every  free  white  male  inhabitant,  above  the  age  of 
twenty-one  years,  who  shall  be  an  actual  resident  of  said  territory,  and 
shall  possess  the  qualifications  hereinafter  prescribed,  shall  be  entitlea 
to  vote  at  the  fii-st  election,  and  shall  be  eligible  to  any  office  withic 
the  said  territory  ;  but  the  qualifications  of  voters,  and  of  holding 
office,  at  all  subsequent  elections,  shall  be  such  as  shall  be  prescribed 
by  the  Legislative  Assembly  :  Provided,  That  the  right  of  suffrage 
and  of  holding  office  shall  be  exercisoti  only  by  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  those  who  shall  have  declared  on  oath  their  intention  to  become 
such,  and  shall  have  taken  an  oath  to  support  the  Constituton  of  the 
Uuitcd  States  and  the  provisions  of  this  Act  :  And  provided  fur-ther 
That  no  ofScer,  soldier,  seaman,  or  marine,  or  other  person  in  the  army 
or  navy  of  the  United  States,  or  attached  to  troops  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  or  hold  office  in  said 
territory,  by  reason  of  being  on  service  therein. 

Sec.  6.  That  the  legislative  power  of  the  territory  shall  extend  to 
all  rightful  subjects  of  legislation  consistent  with  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  the  provisions  of  this  Act ;  but  no  law  shall  be 
passed  interfering  with  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil ;  no  tax  shall 
be  imposed  upon  the  property  of  the  United  States  ;  nor  shall  the 
lands  or  other  property  of  non-residents  be  taxed  higher  than  the  lands 
or  other  property  of  residents.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the 
Council  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  said  territory,  shall,  before 
it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  (jovernor  of  the  territory  ;  if  he 
approve,  he  shall  sign  it  ;  but  if  not.  he  shall  return  it  with  his  objec- 
tions to  the  House  in  which  it  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objec- 
tions at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If,  after 
euch  reconsideration,  two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the 
\>ill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  f  .her  House, 
y  whibch  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered^  and  if  approved  by  two- 
thirds  of  thst  House,  it  shall  become  a  law.     But  in  all  such  cases  the 


64  KANSAS    AND    NEBRASKA     ACT. 

votes  of  both  Houses  sliall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  to  be 
entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  rey^ecti\e]y.  If  any  bill  shall  not 
be  returned  by  the  Governor  within  three  dAys  (Sundays  excepted) 
after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law 
ill  like  injinner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Assembly,  by  adji^urn- 
nient.  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

Sec.  7.  That  all  township,  district,  and  county  ofBcers,  not  hereic 
otherwise  provided  for,  shall  be  appointed  or  elected,  as  the  case  may 
be,  in  such  manner  as  shall  be  provided  by  the  Governor  and  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  of  the  territory  of  Nebraska.  The  Governor  shall 
nominate,  and,  by  and  with  th3  advice  and  consent  of  the  Legislative 
Council,  appoint  all  officers  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for  ;  and  ia 
the  first  instance  the  Governor  alone  may  appoint  all  said  officers,  who 
shall  hold  their  offices  until  the  end  of  the  first  session  of  the  D.-gisla- 
tive  Assembly  ;  and  sliall  lay  ofiF  the  necessary  districts  for  racunbcrs 
cf  the  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  and  all  other  officers. 

Sec.  8.  That  no  member  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  shall  hold, 
or  be  appointed  to,  any  office  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the 
calary  or  emoluments  of  which  shall  have  been  increased,  while  he  wag 
a  member,  during  the  terra  for  which  he  was  elected,  and  for  one  year 
after  the  expiration  of  such  term ;  but  this  restriction  shall  not  be 
applicable  to  members  of  the  first  Legislative  Assembly ;  and  no 
person  holding  a  commission  or  appointment  under  tlie  United  States, 
except  postmasters,  shall  be  a  member  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  or 
shall  hold  any  office  under  the  government  of  said  territory. 

Sec.  9.  That  the  judicial  power  of  said  territory  shall  be  vested  in  a 
Supreme  Court,  District  Courts,  Probate  Courts,  and  in  Justices  of 
the  Peace.  The  Supreme  Court  shall  consist  of  a  Chief  Justice  and 
two  Associate  Justices,  any  two  of  whom  shall  constitute  a  quorum, 
and  who  shall  hold  a  term  at  the  seat  of  government  of  said  territory 
annually,  and  they  shall  hold  their  offices  during  the  period  of  four 
years,  and  until  their  successors  shall  be  appointed  and  qualified.  The 
said  territory  shall  be  r^ivided  into  three  judicial  districts,  and  a 
District  Court  shall  be  held  in  each  of  said  districts  by  one  of  the 
Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  at  such  times  and  places  as  may  be 
prescribed  by  law  ;  and  the  said  Judges  shall,  after  their  appoint- 
ments, respectively,  reside  in  the  district  which  shall  be  assigned  them. 
The  jurisdiction  of  the  several  courts  herein  provided  for,  both  appel- 
late and  original,  and  that  of  the  Probate  Courts  and  of  Justices  of 
the  Peace,  shall  be  as  limited  '^y  law  :  Provided,  That  Justices  of  the 
Peace  shall  not  have  jurisdiction  of  any  matter  in  controversy  when 
the  title  or  boundaries  of  land  may  be  in  dispute,  or  where  the  debt  or 
sum  claimed  shall  exceed  one  hundred  dollars ;  and  the  said  Supreme 
and  District  Courts,  respectively,  shall  possess  chancery  as  well  as 
common  law  jurisdiction.  Each  District  Court,  or  the  Judge  thereof 
shall  appoint  its  clerk,  who  shall  also  be  the  register  in  c!ianc<>ry.  and 
shall  keep  his  office  at  the  place  where  thf;  court  may  be  held.  Writs 
of  error,  bills  of  exception,  and  appeals,  ^hall  be  allowed  in  all  cases 
iVom  tl'fi  final  decision  of  said  District  C  jurts  to  the  Supreme  Court, 


P'AV'^/S    AXn    XFPKASKA    ACT. 


Of 


nnder  ?«ch  regulations  as  Tuay  Ix;  prescribed  by  law  ;  but  id  no  case 
ivinoved  to  the  Supreme  Court  sliall  trial  by  jury  be  allowed  in 
Baiid  court.  The  Supreme  Court,  or  the  Justices  thereof,  shall  appoiui 
its  owu  clerk,  and  every  clerk  shall  hold  his  ollice  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  court  for  which  he  shall  have  been  app^)inted.  Writs  of  error, 
and  appeals  from  the  final  decision  of  said  Supreme  Court,  shall  be 
allowed,  and  may  be  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
in  the  same  manner  and  under  the  same  regulations  as  from  the 
Circuit  Courts  of  the  United  States,  where  the  value  of  the  property, 
or  the  amount  in  controversy,  to  be  ascertained  by  the  oath  or  aCSrm- 
ation  of  either  party,  or  other  compctjut  witness,  shall  exceed  one 
thousand  dollars ;  except  only  that  in  all  cases  involving  title  to 
slaves,  the  said  writs  of  error  or  appeals  shall  be  allowed  and  decided 
by  the  said  Supreme  Court,  without  reg-ard  to  the  value  of  the  matter, 
property,  or  title  in  controversy  ;  and  except  also  that  a  writ  of  error 
or  appeal  shall  also  be  allowed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  from  the  decisions  of  the  said  Supreme  Court  created  by  this 
Act,  or  of  any  Judge  thereof,  or  of  the  District  Courts  created  by  this 
Act,  or  of  any  Judge  thereof,  upon  any  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
involving  the  question  of  personal  freedom  :  Provided,  That  nothing 
herein  contained  shall  be  construed  to  apply  to  or  aflfect  the  provisions 
of  the  "  Act  respecting  fugitives  from  justice,  and  persons  escaping 
from  the  service  of  their  masters,  "  approved  February  twelfth,  seven- 
teen hundred  and  ninety-three,  and  the  "Act  to  amend  and  supple- 
mentary to  the  aforesaid  Act, "  approved  September  eighteen,  eighteen 
hundred  and  fifty  ;  and  each  of  the  said  District  Courts  shall  hav'c  and 
exercise  the  same  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  arising  under  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  the  United  States  as  is  vested  in  the  Circuit  and  Dis- 
trict Courts  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  said  Supreme  and  District 
Courts  of  the  said  territory,  and  the  respective  Judges  thereof,  shall 
and  may  grant  writs  of  habeof;  corpus  in  all  eases  in  which  the  same 
are  granted  by  the  Judges  of  the  United  States  in  the  district  of 
Columbia ;  and  the  fii-st  six  days  of  every  term  of  said  courts,  or  so 
much  thereof  as  shall  be  necessary,  shall  be  appropriated  to  the  trial 
of  causes  arising  under  the  said  Constitution  and  laws,  and  writs  of 
error  and  appeal  in  all  such  cases  shall  be  made  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  said  territory,  the  same  as  in  other  cases,  'i'he  said  clerk  shall 
receive  in  all  such  cases  the  same  fees  which  the  clerks  of  the  District 
Courts  of  Utah  territory  now  receive  for  similar  services. 

Sec.  10.  That  the  provisions  of  an  Act  entitled  "  An  Act  respect- 
ing fugitives  from  justice,  and  persons  escaping  from  the  service  of 
their  masters,"  approved  February  twelve,  seventeen  hundred  and 
ninety-three,  and  the  provisions  of  the  Act  entitled  "An  Act  to 
amend,  and  supplementary  to,  the  aforesaid  Act.  "  approved  Septem- 
ber eighteen,  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty,  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby, 
declared  to  extend  to  and  be  in  full  force  within  the  limits  of  said 
territory  of  Nebraska. 

Sec.  11.  That  there  shall  lie  appointed  an  attorney  for  said  terri- 
tory, who  shall  continue  in  office  for  four  years,  and  until  his  snocesaor 


66  BALSAS    AXD    NEBRASKA    ACT. 

Bhall  be  appointed  and  qualified,  unless  sooner  rcmove-l  hy  the  Prc'^i- 
d«it,  and  who  shall  receive  the  same  fees  and  salary  as  the  attorney 
of  the  United  States  for  the  present  territory  of  Utah.  There  shall 
also  be  a  marshal  for  the  territory  appointed,  who  shall  hold  his  office 
for  four  years,  and  until  his  successor  shall  be  appointed  and  qualified, 
unless  sooner  removed  by  the  President,  and  who  shall  execute  all 
processes  issuing  from  the  said  courts  when  exercising  their  jurisdic- 
tion as  Circuit  and  District  Courts  of  tiie  United  States ;  he  shall 
perform  the  duties,  be  subject  to  the  same  regulations  and  penalties, 
and  be  entitled  to  the  same  fees  as  the  mai'shal  of  the  District  Court 
of  the  United  States  for  the  present  territory  of  Utah,  and  shall,  in 
addition,  be  paid  two  hundred  dollars  annually  as  a  compensation  for* 
extra  services. 

Sec.  12.  That  the  Governor,  secretary,  chief  justice,  and  associate 
justices,  attorney,  and  marshal,  shall  be  nominated,  and,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  appointed  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  Governor  and  secretary  to  be  appointed  as 
aforesaid,  shall,  before  they  act  as  such,  respectively  take  an  oath  or 
affirmation  before  the  District  Judge  or  some  Justice  of  the  Peace  in 
the  limits  of  said  territory,  duly  authorized  to  administer  oaths  and 
affirmations  by  the  laws  now  in  force  therein,  or  before  the  Chief 
Justice  or  some  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  faith- 
fully to  discharge  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices,  which  said 
oaths,  when  so  taken,  shall  be  certified  by  the  person  by  whom  the 
same  shall  have  been  taken  ;  and  such  certificates  shall  be  received 
and  recorded  by  the  said  secretary  among  the  executive  proceedings  : 
and  the  Chief  Justice  and  Associate  Justices,  and  all  other  civil  officers 
in  said  territory,  before  they  act  as  such,  shall  take  a  like  oath  or 
affirmation  before  the  said  Governor  or  secretary,  or  some  Judge 
or  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  the  territory  who  may  be  duly  commissioned 
and  qualified,  which  said  oath  or  affirmation  shall  be  certified  aod 
transmitted  by  the  person  taking  the  same  to  the  secretary,  to  be  by 
him  recorded  as  aforesaid  ;  and  afterwards,  the  like  oath  or  affirmation 
shall  be  taken,  certified,  and  recorded,  in  such  manner  and  form  as 
may  be  prescribed  by  law.  The  Governor  shall  receive  an  annual 
salary  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  dollars.  The  Chief  Justice  and 
Associate  Justices  shall  receive  an  annual  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars. 
The  secretary  shall  receive  an  annual  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars. 
The  said  salaries  shall  be  paid  quarter-yearly,  from  the  dates  of  the 
respective  appointments,  at  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  ;  but  no 
such  ]3aymont  shall  be  made  until  said  officers  shall  have  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  their  respective  appointments.  The  members  of  the 
liCgislative  Assembly  shall  be  entitled  to  receive  three  dollars  each 
per  day  during  their  attendance  at  the  si;ssions  thereof,  and  three 
dollars  each  for  every  twenty  miles'  travel  in  going  to  and  returning 
from  the  said  sessions,  estimated  according  to  the  nearest  usually 
traveled  route;  and  an  additional  allowance  of  three  dollars  shall  be 
paid  to  the  presiding  officer  of  caoh  House  for  each  day  he  sbaL' 


KANSAS    AND    NKIJRASKA    ACT.  (M 

BO  preside.  And  a  chief  clerk,  one  assistant  cicrk,  a  8erp:eaiit-iil-arma, 
and  door-keeper,  may  be  chosen  for  each  House  ;  and  the  chief  clerk 
shall  receive  four  dollars  per  day,  and  the  said  other  officers  three 
dollars  per  day,  during  the  session  of  tlie  Legislative  Assembly  ;  but 
no  other  officers  shall  be  paid  by  the  United  States  :  Provided,  That 
there  shall  be  but  one  session  of  the  Legislature  annually,  unless,  on 
an  extraordinary  occasion,  the  Governor  shall  think  proper  to  call  the 
Legislature  together.  There  shall  be  appropriated,  annually,  the 
usual  sum,  to  be  expended  by  the  Governor,  to  defray  the  contingent 
expenses  of  the  territory,  including  the  salary  of  a  clerk  of  the  execu- 
tire  department ;  and  there  shall  also  be  appropriated,  annually,  a 
sufficient  sum,  to  be  expended  by  the  secretary  of  the  territory,  and 
upon  an  estimate  to  be  made  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Legislative  Assembly, 
the  printing  of  the  laws,  and  other  incidental  expenses ;  and  the  Governor 
and  secretary  of  the  territory  shall,  in  the  disbursement  of  all  moneys 
intrusted  to  them,  be  governed  solely  by  the  instructions  of  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  and  shall,  semi-annually, 
account  to  the  said  secretary  for  the  manner  in  which  the  aforesaid 
moneys  shall  have  been  expended  ;  and  no  expenditure  shall  be  made 
by  said  Legislative  Assembly  for  objects  not  specially  authorized  by 
the  Acts  of  CongTess  making  the  appropriations,  nor  beyond  the  suma 
thus  appropriated  for  such  objects. 

Sec.  1 3.  That  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  territory  of  Nebraska 
shall  hold  its  first  session  at  such  time  and  place  in  said  territory 
as  the  Governor  thereof  shall  appoint  and  direct ;  and  at  said  first 
session,  or  as  soon  thereafter  as  they  shall  deem  expedient,  the  Gover- 
nor and  Legislative  Assembly  shall  proceed  to  locate  and  establish 
the  seat  of  government  for  said  territory  at  such  place  as  they  may 
deem  eligible  ;  which  place,  however,  shall  thereafter  be  subject  to  be 
changed  by  the  said  Governor  and  Legislative  Assembly. 

Sec.  14.  That  a  delegate  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States,  to  serve  for  the  term  of  two  years,  who  shall  be  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  ms^  be  elected  by  the  voters  qualified  to  elect 
members  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  who  shall  be  entitled  to  the 
same  rights  and  privileges  as  are  exercised  and  enjoyed  by  the 
delegates  from  the  several  other  territories  of  the  United  States  to  the 
said  House  of  Representatives,  but  the  delegate  first  elected  shall  hold 
his  seat  only  during  the  term  of  the  Congress  to  which  he  shall  be 
elected.  The  first  election  shall  be  held  at  such  time  and  places,  and 
be  conducted  in  such  manner,  as  the  Governor  shall  appoint  and 
direct ;  and  at  all  subsequent  elections  the  times,  places,  and  manner 
of  holding  the  elections  shall  be  prescribed  by  law.  The  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  declared  by  the  Governor 
to  be  duly  elected,  and  a  certificate  thereof  shall  be  given  accordingly. 
That  the  Constitution,  and  all  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
are  not  locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  foi'ce  and  efibct  within 
the  said  territory  of  Nebraska  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  Stat«B, 
except  the  eighth  section  of  the  Act  p-eparatory  to  the  admission  of 


68  KANSAS    AND    NEBRASKA    A  JT. 

Missouri  into  the  Unioa,  approved  March  sixth,  eighteen  hundred  and 
twenty,  which,  being  inconsistent  with  the«iprinciple  of  non-interven- 
tion by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  states  and  territories,  as  recog- 
nized by  the  legislation  of  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty,  commonly  called 
the  Compromise  Measures,  is  hereby  declared  inoperative  and  void  ;  it 
being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  Act  not  to  legislate  slavery 
into  any  territory  or  state,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave 
the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic 
institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  :  Provided,  That  notking  herein  contained  shall  be  con- 
strued to  revive  or  put  in  force  any  law  or  regulation  which  may  have 
existed  prior  to  the  Act  of  sixth  March,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty, 
either  protecting,  establishing,  prohibiting,  or  abolishing  slavery.     ^ 

Sec.  15.  That  there  shall  hereafter  be  appropriated,  as  has  been 
customary  for  the  territorial  governments,  a  sufficient  amount,  to  be 
expended  under  the  direction  of  the  said  Governor  of  the  territory  of 
Nebraska,  not  exceeding  the  sums  heretofore  appropriated  for  similar 
objects,  for  the  erection  of  suitable  public  buildings  at  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment, and  for  the  purchase  of  a  library,  to  be  kept  at  the  seat  of 
government  for  the  use  of  the  Governor,  Legislative  Assembly,  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  secretary,  marshal,  and  attorney  of  said  terri- 
tory, and  such  other  persons,  and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be 
prescribed  by  law. 

Sec.  16.  That  when  the  lands  in  the  said  territory  shall  be  surveyed 
under  the  direction  of  the  government  ol  the  United  States,  preparatory 
to  bringing  the  same  into  market,  sections  numbered  sixteen  and  thirty- 
six,  in  each  township  in  said  territory,  shall  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby 
reserved  for  the  purpose  of  being  applied  to  schools  in  said  territory, 
and  in  the  states  and  territories  hereafter  to  be  erected  out  of  the  same. 

Sec.  17.  That,  until  otherwise  provided  by  law,  the  Governor  of 
said  territory  may  define  the  judicial  districts  of  said  territory,  and 
assign  the  judges  who  may  be  appointed  for  said  territory  to  the 
several  districts ;  and  also  appoint  the  times  and  places  for  holding 
courts  in  the  several  counties  or  subdivisions  in  each  of  said  judicial 
districts  by  proclamation,  to  be  issued  by  him  ;  but  the  Legislative 
Asfsembly,  at  their  first  or  any  subsequent  session,  may  organize,  alter, 
or  modify  such  judicial  districts,  and  assign  the  judges,  and  alter  the 
times  and  places  of  holding  the  courts,  as  to  them  shall  seem  proper 
and  convenient. 

Sec.  18.  That  all  officers  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  for  the  territory  of  Ne- 
braska, who,  by  virtue  of  the  provisions  of  any  law  now  existing,  or 
which  may  be  enacted  during  the  present  Congress,  are  required  io 
give  security  for  moneys  that  may  be  intrusted  with  them  for  disburse 
iiionis,  shall  give  such  security,  at  such  time  and  place,  and  in  such 
manner  as  the  secretary  of  tlie  treasury  may  prescribe. 

Sec.  19.  That  all  that  part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
included  within  the  following  limits,  except  such  portions  thereof  as 
are  bereinsfter  expressly  exempted  from  the  operations  of  this  act,  to 


KANSAS    AXD    NEBRASKA    AUT.  09 

wit  :  beginning  at  a  point  on  the  western  boundary  of  the  state  of 
Missouri,  where  the  thirty-seventh  parallel  of  north  latitndi;  cross(.fl 
the  same  ;  thence  w^est  on  said  parallel  to  the  eastern  boundary  of 
New  Mexico  ;  thence  north  on  said  boundary  to  latitude  thirty-eight ; 
thence  following  said  boundary  westward  to  the  east  boundary  of  the 
territory  of  Utah,  on  the  summit  of  the  Rocky  Mountains ;  thence 
northward  on  said  summit  to  the  fortieth  parallel  of  latitude ;  thence 
east  on  said  parallel  to  the  western  boundary  of  ths  state  of  Missouri ; 
thence  south  with  the  western  boundary  of  said  state  to  the  place  of 
beginning,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  created  into  a  temporary 
government  by  the  name  of  the  Territory  of  Kan»as ;  and  when  admit- 
ted as  a  state  or  states,  the  said  territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same, 
shall  be  received  into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  con- 
Rtitution  may  prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission  :  Provided, 
That  nothing  in  this  act  contained  shall  be  construed  to  inhibit  the 
government  of  the  United  States  from  dividing  said  territory  into 
two  or  more  territories,  in  such  manner  and  at  such  times  as  Congress 
shall  deem  convenient  and  proper,  or  from  attaching  any  portion  of 
said  territory  to  any  other  state  or  territory  of  the  United  States : 
Provided,  further,  That  nothing  in  this  act  contained  shall  be  so  con- 
strued as  to  impair  the  rights  of  persons  or  property  now  pertaining 
to  the  Indians  in  said  territory,  so  long  as  such  rights  shall  remain 
une.xtiiiiiuished  by  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  such  Indians, 
or  to  include  any  territory  which,  by  treaty  with  any  Indian  tribe,  is 
not,  without  the  consent  of  said  tribe,  to  be  included  within  the  terri- 
torial limits  or  jurisdiction  of  any  state  or  territory  ;  but  all  such 
territory  shall  be  excepted  out  of  the  boundaries,  and  constitute  no 
part  of  the  territory  of  Kansas,  until  said  tribe  shall  signify  their 
assent  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  be  included  within  the 
said  territory  of  Kansas,  or  to  afifect  the  authority  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States  to  make  any  regulation  respecting  such  Indians, 
their  lands,  property,  or  other  rights,  by  treaty,  law,  or  otherwise, 
which  it  would  have  been  competent  to  the  government  to  make  if  this 
act  had  never  passed. 

fWith  the  single  exception  of  the  location  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment for  Kansas  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  provided  for  in  seotiou  I' I, 
the  ensuing  sixteen  sections,  relative  to  the  organization  and  govern- 
ment of  the  territory,  are  precisely  similar  to  the  sections  already 
recited,  providing  for  the  government  of  Nebraska  territory.  The 
final  section  of  the  act,  which  has  a  general  reference  to  both  terri- 
fies, is  as  follows  :] 

Sec.  37.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  treaties,  laws,  and  other 
engagem(!nts  made  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  with  the  In- 
dian tribes  inhabiting  the  territories  embraced  within  this  act,  shall  be 
faithfully  and  rigidly  observed,  notwithstanding  anything  contained  in 
ids  act ;  and  that  the  existing  agenci(;s  and  superintendeiicies  of  said 
Indians  be  continued,  with  the  same  povvers  and  duties  which  are  now 
prescribed  by  law,  except  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  may 
at  his  discretion  change  the  locatio-    of  the  office  of  superintendent 


70 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTORAL    VOTES 


PRESIDENT  AND  VICE-PEESIDENI  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
=ct«f<$^^K|> 

ELECTION    FOR    TH2    FIRST  TERM, 

COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  1789,  AND  ^JTCRMINATING  MARCH  3,  1793. 


o 

STATES. 

..C3 

o 

K 

i- 

o 

1-5 

0  0 

c  c 

-»  c 
3 

a 

1 

(C 

^  B 

0 

m 

1 

9  * 

0) 

i;3 

oi 

II 

t 

-§ 

•-5 

-'5) 

a  ? 
0  ^ 
So 

a  = 

to 

Of 

a 

•-5 

go 

1 

5 
10 

7 

6 
10 

3 

New  Hampshire 

Massachusetts 

Connecticut 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

5 
10 

7 
6 

10 
3 
6 

10 
7 
5 

5 
10 
5 
1 
8 

"5" 

2 

5 

3' 
i" 

9 

2 

6 
10 

7 
5 

i" 

1 

6 

3 

... 

South  Carolina 

Geor^'*ia 

6 
S 

2 

1 

1 

1 

69 

Whole  No.  Electors. 
Majority 35 

69 

34 

2 

4 

6 

3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

The  first  Congress  under  the  •I'lonstitution  was  o^pvened  at  the 
'  Federal  Hall,"  situated  at  the  bead  of  Broad,  fronting  on  Wail 
itroet,  (where  the  Custom-House  now  stands.)  in  the  city  of  New 
Y"ork,  on  the  first  Wednesday,  behig  March  4,  1789 — Senators  and 
Representatives  having  been  elected  from  the  eleven  states  which 
liad  ratified  the  Constitution  ;  but,  owing  to  the  absence  of  a  quorum, 
the  House  was  not  organized  till  the  1st  of  April,  and,  for  a  like  rea- 
son, the  Senate  was  not  organized  till  the  6th  ;  when  the  latter  boc'  v 
■'  proceeded  by  ballot  to  the  choice  of  a  President,  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  opening  and  counting  the  [electoral]  votes  for  President  of  the 
United  States."  John  Langdon,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  chosen 
President  fro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  and  Samuel  Alyne  Otis,  of  Massar 
chusetts,  Secretary ;  after  which,  proper  measi^res  were  taken  to  notify 
the  successful  individuals  of  their  election. 

George  Washington  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  P^-esideut,  and  eutered 
apon  his  duties  April  30, 1789.    (For  his  Inaugural  Address,  see  p.  24.) 

John  Adams,  Vice-President,  entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  Seuaw 
A.pnl  21,  1789.  and  took  the  oath  of  office  June  3,  1789. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE?. 


71 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    SECOND    1  ERM, 


COMMENCING  MAKCH  4,  1793,  AND  TERMINATING  MARCH  3,  1797. 

a 

-  ta 

CO 

^4 

ce 

hi 

* 

§■5 

c'^f 

1 

2-2 

be  f 

0  u 

i'^ 

.a 
m-2 

a  & 

0 

STATES. 

9 

a  m 

cj  0 

0) 

0)  0 

£^ 

a"f 

bs 

s 

a 

o 
iz; 

0) 

.a  ^ 
o 

0 
0 

in 

6 

New  Hampshire 

6 
16 
4 
9 
3 
12 
7 

6 
16 
4 
9 
3 

7' 

16 

Massachusetts 

4 

Rhode  Island 

9 

Connecticut 

S 

Vermont 

12 

New  York 

12 

7 

New  Jersey 

16 

Pennsylvania 

15 

14 

1 

3 

Delaware 

3 

8 

3 

8 

8 

Maryland 

?n 

Virginia 

21 
4 

21 

4 

4 

Kentucky 

1?, 

North  Carolina 

12 
8 
4 

"7" 

12 
"4" 

8 

South  Carolina 

1 

4 

Georgia 

13? 

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

132 

77 

50 

4 

1 

Majority 67 

George  Washington,  re-elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  office  for 
a  second  term,  and  entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1793. 

John  Adams,  re-elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  office,  and 
entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  Senate,  December  2,  1793. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  second  Presidential  term,  Washington 
retired  to  the  tranquil  shades  of  Mount  Vernon,  fondly  indulging  the 
hope  that  the  remainder  of  his  days  would  be  peacefully  enjoyed  iu 
his  much-cherished  home ;  but  these  pleasing  anticipations  were  not 
allowed  to  remain  long  undisturbed.  In  1798  the  conduct  of  the 
French  Directory  and  its  emissaries  led  to  frequent  difficulties  with 
this  country,  which  were  calculated  to  provoke  a  war  ;  and  the  opinion 
was  universally  entertained  that  he  who  had  formerly  so  well  acquitted 
himself,  must  be  again  called  to  the  command  of  our  armies.  Accord- 
ingly, early  in  July,  the  rank  and  title  of  "  Lieutenant-General  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  armies  raised,  or  to  be  raised,  in  the 
United  States,"  was  conferred  upon  him  ;  and  the  Secretary  of  War, 
Mr.  McHenry,  immediately  waited  upon  him  to  tender  the  commission. 
In  a  letter  to  President  Adams,  accepting  "this  new  proof  of  public 
confidence,"  he  makes  a  reservation  that  he  shall  not  be  called  into  the 
field  until  the  army  is  in  a  situation  to  require  his  presence,  and  adds : 
"  I  take  the  liberty  also  to  mention,  that  I  must  decline  having  my 
acceptance  considered  as  drawing  after  it  any  immediate  charge  upon 
the  public,  and  that  I  cannot  receive  any  emoluments  annexed  to  the 
appointment,  before  entering  into  a  situation  to  incur  expense." 


n 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    THIRD    T E R  Ifl , 

COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  1797,  AND  TERMINATING  IVLARCH  S,  1801. 


in  gS 

BS 

o  * 

il 

STATES. 

no 

73   a: 

o  o 

►-5 

IS  ^ 

0) 

a 

o 

a 

P 

a  c; 

-a 

o 

a  = 

o 

00 
-+^ 

'r.    XT. 

11 

So 
> 

O 

■2 

a 
o 

•a 

a  S 

g 

"o 

"to  ~ 

r:    o 

.9 

^  .a 

^  -.- 

M  o 

es   O 
1-5 

§:s 

•s> 

6 
a< 
•J 

03 

6° 

i 

a  ^ 

O)  V4 

a 
•g 

6 

16 

4 

9 

4 

12 

7 

15 

3 

11 

21 

4 

12 

8 

4 

3 

New  Hampshire 
Massachusetts. 
Rhode  Island. . . 
Connecticut. .. 

Vermont 

New  York 

New  .Jersey 

l^ennsylvania.. 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

Kentucky 

North  Carolina. 
South  Carolina. 
Geore'ia 

6 
16 
4 
9 
4 
12 

6 
1 

4 

13 

2 

"4* 

20 
4 

11 
8 
4 
3 

4 
4 
12 
7 
2 
3 
4 
1 

"i' 

8 

5 

13 

3 
1 
4 
6 

"^ 

15 

3 



1 

3 

1 

4 

Tennesaee 

.... 

3 

139 

No.  of  Electors. 
Majority..  .  70 

71 

■68 

59 

SO 

15 

11 

5 

7 

2 

3 

2 

1 

2 

John  Adams,  elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1797. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  office, 
and  entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1797. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  encountered  the  most  virulent 
opposition,  both  domestic  and  foreign.  France,  still  in  the  confusion 
following  her  revolution,  made  improper  demands  on  our  country,  which 
not  being  complied  with,  she  commenced  seizing  American  property 
on  the  high  seas.  Our  people,  taking  different  sides,  were  about  equally 
divided — some  approving  and  others  deprecating  the  course  pursued  by 
France.  Letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  were  issued  by  our  govern- 
ment, and  a  navy  was  raised  with  surprising  promptitude.  This  had 
the  desired  effect,  peace  being  thereby  secured ;  and  the  aggressor  was 
tauffht  that  the  Americans  were  friends  in  peace,  but  were  not  fearful 
of  war  when  it  could  not  be  honorably  averted. 

The  Indians  on  our  western  frontiers  also  caused  much  trouble;  but 
at  length,  being  severely  chastised  by  General  Wayne,  they  t^ed  for 
peace,  which  was  granted  in  1795. 

In  1800  the  seat  of  government  was  removed  from  Philadelphia  to 
Washington  City,  which  had  been  designated  by  Washington,  under 
ft  law  of  Congress,  as  the,  most  central  situation. 


KI.ECTORAI.  VOTES. 


73 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    FOURTH    TERM, 
COMSIENCING  MAECB  4,  1801,  AND  TERXILVATIXG  MARCH  3,  1805. 


E-g 

STATES. 

- 

S 

O 

u 
o 
>^ 

il 

a  ° 
o 

< 

O 
If. 

S  " 
o  o 

-3 

id 

a.- 

fi 

New  Hamp8hire 

6 
16 
4 
9 
4 

6 
16 
3 
9 
4 

16 

Jfassachusetts 

4 

Rhode  Island 

1 

9 

Connecticut. 

4 

Vermont 

12 

New  York 

12 

12 

7 

New  Jersey 

7 
7 
3 
5 

7 
7 
3 
5 

1» 

Penns^'lvania » 

8 

8 

S 

Delaware 

10 

Maryland 

5 
21 
4 
8 
3 
8 
4 

5 

21 
4 
8 
3 
8 
4 

?il 

Virginia 

4 

Kentucky 

!•? 

North  Carolina 

4 

4 

3 

Tennessee 

8 

South  Carolina 

4 

Georgia , 

1.S8 

No .  of  Electors 

73 

73 

65 

64 

1 

Majority 70 

The  electoral  vote  for  Thos.  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr  being  equal 
no  choice  was  made  by  the  people,  and  on  the  11th  of  February,  1801 
Jhe  House  of  Representatives  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  President  ii. 
the  manner  prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  On  the  first  ballot  eight 
{tates  voted  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  six  for  Aaron  Burr,  and  the  votes 
>f  two  states  were  divided.  The  balloting  continued  till  the  17th  of 
February,  when  the  thirty-fifth  ballot,  as  had  all  previously,  resulted  the 
»ame  as  the  first.  After  the  thirty-sixth  ballot,  the  Speaker  declared 
ihat  the  votes  of  ten  states  had  been  given  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  the 
Fotes  of  four  states  for  Aaron  Burr,  and  the  votes  of  two  states  in 
blank  ;  and  that,  consequently,  Thomas  Jefferson  had  been  elected  for 
the  term  of  four  years. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  thus  elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  office, 
lad  entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1801. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  Mr.  Jefferson  used  the  following  memorable 
ixpression  :  "  We  have  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the  same 
principle.  We  are  all  republicans  :  we  are  all  federalists.  If  there  be 
any  among  us  who  would  wish  to  dissolve  this  Union,  or  to  change  ita 
republican  form,  let  them  stand,  undisturbed,  as  monuments  of  the 
safety  with  which  error  of  opixiox  may  be  tolerated,  where  rea- 
son IS  LKFT  FREE  TO  COMBAT  IT." 

Aaron  Burr,  elected  Vice-President,  took  t'ae  oath  of  office,  and 
entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  Senate,  March  4, 1801. 


74 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


g 

c 
J: 


S 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    FIFTH    TERM, 

COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  180S,  AND  TERMINATING  MARCE  3,  1809. 


STATES, 


ia  t..  p^  -. 
0)  o     .  :^ 

o 
VI 


presid't. 


v.PRES'r. 


O    ® 


a 


^ 


E3Q 


7 

19 

4 

9 

6 

19 

8 

20 

3 

11 

24 

14 

10 

6 

5 

8 

3 

176 


New  Hampshire. 
Massachusetts. .. 
Rhode  Island . . . . 

Connecticut 

Vermont 

New  York , 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina.., 
South  Carolina. . , 

Georgia 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 

Ohio 


7 

19 

4 


6 
19 

8 
20 


9 

24 

14 

10 

6 

5 

8 

3 


Whole  No.  of  Electors 

Majority 89 


162 


14 


162 


14 


Thomas  Jefiferson,  elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  office  for  a 
second  term,  and  entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1805. 

George  Clinton,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  office,  and 
entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1805. 

Among  the  most  important  acts  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration 
was  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  from  France  for  $15,000,000,  which 
territory  was  surrendered  to  our  government  in  December,  1803. 

In  November,  1808,  the  celebrated  "Orders  in  Council  "were 
issued  by  the  British  government,  which  prohibited  all  trade  with 
France  and  her  allies ;  and,  as  a  retaliatoi'y  measure,  in  December  fol- 
lowing Bonaparte  issued  his  "  Milan  Decree,"  interdicting  all  trade 
with  England  and  her  colonies — thus  subjecting  almost  every  American 
vessel  on  the  ocean  to  capture.  In  requital  for  these  tyrannous  pro- 
ceedings, and  that  England  and  France  might  both  feel  their  injustice, 
Congress  decreed  an  embargo ;  but  as  this  failed  to  obtain  from  either 
power  an  acknowledgment  of  our  rights,  and  was  also  ruinous  to  oar 
commerce  with  other  nations,  it  was  repealed  in  March,  1809. 


KLECTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    SIXTH    TERM, 
COMMENCING  MAECH  4,  1S09,  AND  TERMINATING  MARCH  3,  1813. 


STATES. 

PRESIDENT. 

VICE-PRESIDEXT. 

1 

II 

s-g 

4 

W 

a 

o 

o 

a 

1 

a  ^ 
d 

1 

o"fe 

0  <y 
0 

0 

S 
S 

>-5 

.2 

"S 

a  0 
0 

X 

a) 

a 

,2  "J 

r 

3 

7 

New  Hampshire 

7 

19 

4 

9 

7 

19 

Massachusetts 

iq 

4 

Khode  Island 

4 

9 

9 

6 

Vermont 

6 
13 

8 
20 

6 

T9 

New  York 

6 

"3 

2 

"3" 

13 

8 
20 

"9" 

24 

11 

10 

6 

7 

5 

3 

3 

.... 

8 

New  Jersey , 

20 

Pennsylvania 

3 

Pelaware      ,   ,       ,    ,    .   ,^ 

3 

11 

Maryland 

9 

24 

11 

10 

6 

7 

5 

3 

2 

?4 

Virginia 

14 

North  Carolina 

3 

in 

South  Carolina 

fi 

Georgia 

7 

Kentucky 

5 

Tennessee 

3 

Ohio 

3 

175 

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

Majority 88 

122 

6 

47 

113 

3 

3 

9 

47 

James  Madison  took  the  oath  of  ofl&ce,  as  President,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties  March  4,  1809. 

George  Clinton,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  ofiBce,  and 
attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4, 1809. 

Our  national  position,  especially  in  regard  to  England  and  France, 
was  certainly  a  very  perplexing  one  when  Mr.  Madison  came  to  the 
Presidency.  We  were  not  only  threatened  by  enemies  abroad,  but 
were  harassed  by  a  savage  foe  on  our  western  frontier,  probably  urged 
on  by  British  influence,  and  led  by  the  famous  chief  Tecumseh  and  his 
brother  the  Prophet.  These  last  were  finally  subdued  in  1811 ;  but 
our  European  foes  were  more  troublesome.  After  all  peaceful  means 
had  failed  to  check  the  aggressions  of  England,  and  when  at  length 
"patience  had  ceased  to  be  a  virtue,"  war  was  declared  against  that 
country,  June  19,  1812.  The  events  of  that  M'ar  it  is  not  within  our 
province  to  record  ;  and  it  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  they  greatly  ele- 
vated the  American  character  in  the  estimation  of  both  friends  and 
enemies. 


16 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTltN  FOR  THE  SEVENTH  TERM, 

OOMSIEXCXN'G  lUECH  4,  1813,  AXD  TERiUNATTsG  SUECH  3,  1817. 


g 

STATES. 

• 

presid't. 

V.PE 

ES'T. 

w  to 

II 

V 

C'tD 

lb 

m 

1 

.a 

.Hi 

I-     r- 

So 

.2 

a 

fl 

II 

go 
ce 

R 

8 

22 

4 

9 

'29' 
8 

"4' 

5 

1 
2 

"s' 

'25' 

"e" 

25 

15 

11 

8 

12 

8 

7 

3 

7 

?-^ 

Massachusetts                                    . 

'>n 

4 

Rhode  Island       

4 

9 

0 

8 

8 

V,9 

?<} 

8 

8 

?n 

Pennsylvania 

26 

4 

Delaware 

4 

n 

6 
25 
15 
11 

8 

5 

V5 

Virginia 

l5 

n 

South  Carolina 

8 

Georgia 

1? 

Kentucky 

12  ;;;; 

8 

Tennessee 

8 
7 
3 

.... 

7 

Ohio 

3 

Louisiana 

(il7 

Whole  No.  of  Electors  

128 

89 

131 

86 

Majority 109 

James  Madison,  elected  President  for  a  second  term.  [There  is  no 
notice  on  the  Journals  of  Congress  of  his  having  taken  the  oath.j 

Elbridge  Gerry,  elected  Vice-President,  attended  in  the  Senate  ov 
the  24th  of  May,  1813,  and  exhibited  a  certificate  of  his  having  takf:!> 
the  oath  of  office  prescribed  by  law,  which  was  read. 

The  war  into  which  the  country  had  been  forced  was  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  which  was  signed  December  24,  1814 ; 
but  this  treaty  had  scarcely  been  ratified,  when  it  became  necessary  to 
commence  another  war  for  the  protection  of  American  commerce  and 
seamen  against  Algerine  piracies.  In  May,  1815,  a  squadron  under 
Commodore  Decatur  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean,  where  the  navai 
force  of  Algiers  was  cruising  for  American  vessels.  After  capturing 
two  of  the  enemy's  best  frigates  in  that  sea,  Decatur  proceeded  to  the 
Bay  of  Algiers,  and  there  dictated  a  treaty  which  secm-ed  the  United 
States  from  any  further  molestation  from  that  quarter.  Similar  trear 
ties  were  also  concluded  with  the  other  Barbary  powers. 


ELECTORAI,  VOTES. 


(  i 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    EIGHTH    TERM, 
CX)itMENCLN'G  iLiRCH  4,  1817,  AND  TERiUNATIXG  SLARCII  3,  1821. 


i 

STATES. 

FKESID'T.              VlCE-PRESlDEXr. 

> 

2i 

u 

6 
K 

e 

•-5 

en  v^ 

3 

if 

ll 
0  - 

3 

►-3 

1^ 

ii.  > 

=  0 

r'  0 

8 

8 

'22' 

8 

"4 

''2 

Massachusetts , 

22 

4 

4 

q 

Connecticut     

5 

4 

8 

Vermont 

8 
29 

8 
25 

8 
23 

8 
•J5 

"s' 

2.i 

15 

11 
8 

12 
8 
b 
0 
0 

•?q 

8 

?5 

3 

Delaware 

3 

8 

8 

25 

15 

11 

8 

12 

8 

8 

3 

3 

fA 

Virginia 

■*i 

n 

8 

*? 

Kentucky 

8 

8 

Ohio 

o 

XjOuisiana 

Indiana            .        

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

183 

34 

183 

22 

5 

-) 

3 

JIajority 109 

James  Monroe  took  the  oath  of  oE&ce,  as  President,  and  enteral 
«fM)a  his  duties  March  4,  1817. 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  ofiSce, 
and  attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4, 1817. 

Tha  Seminole  and  a  few  of  the  Creek  Indians  commenced  depreda- 
tions on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  towards  the  close  of 
1817,  for  which  they  were  severely  chastised  by  a  force  under  General 
Jackson,  and  gladly  sued  for  peace. 

In  February,  1819,  a  treaty  was  negotiated  at  Washington,  by 
which  Spain  coded  to  the  United  States  East  and  West  Florida  and 
the  adjacent  inlands.  In  the  same  year  the  southern  portion  of  Mis- 
souri territory  was  set  off  under  the  name  of  Arkansas,  for  which  a 
territorial  governm<;i:t  wrvs  formed  ;  and  Alabama  was  constituted  a 
Btatc,  and  admitted  ioto  th»^  Union. 

Early  in  1820  the  prtVMice  of  Maine,  which  had  been  connectea 
with  Massachusetts  ciuct  1 652,  was  separated  from  it,  and  was  admit 
teJ  into  the  Union  as  ai.  ti 'dependent  state. 


78 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    NINTH    TERIlf, 
COMMENCING  MAECH  4,  1821,  AND  TEKiHNATING  MARCH  3,  1825. 


STATES. 

presid't. 

nCE-PRKSIDENT. 

c 

> 

§ 

a 

CO 
-t-i 

s  S 

<&•= 

a 
-§ 

1-5 

0.0, 

Q 
'3 

I 

IS 

XI  o 

■2 

a 
o 

'S, 

c 

■g 

2 
'S 

.^  to 

.a  S 

CO   B 

.a 
2 

1 

'3 

8 

New  Hampshire 

•7 

15 
4 
9 

8 

29 

8 

24 

4 

11 

25 

15 

11 

8 

12 
7 
8 
3 
3 
2 
3 
3 
9 
3 

1 

7 
7 
4 
9 
8 

29 
8 

24 

"% 

1 

15 

Massachusetts           ,,  ,. 

4 

g 

8 

Vermont 

?q 

New  York      

8 

•?•> 

4 

Df^laAvare        , 

4 

11 

Maryland 

10 

25 

15 

11 

8 

12 

7 

8 

8 

3 

2 

3 

Q 

9 
3 

1 

?f) 

15 

North  Carolina.     .,,... 

11 

8 

12 

Kentucky. ...... 

8 

Tennessee 

8 

Ohio 

3 

I  ouisiana 

3 

3 

Mis.sissippi.    ..                    

3 

Illinois 

3 

9 

Maine       ,        

3 

Missouri                 

235 

No.  of  Klectors 

Majority ; .  118 

J31 

1 

■IS 

8 

1 

1 

4 

James  Monroe  was  re-elected  President,  but  there  is  no  notice  ou 
the  Journals  of  Congress  that  he  again  took  the  oath  of  ofBee. 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins  was  re-elected  Vice-President,  tut  there  is  no 
record  of  his  having  again  taken  the  oath  of  office. 

Public  attention  was  much  occupied  in  1824-5  by  a  visit  from  the 
venerable  General  Lafayette,  who,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury from  the  period  of  his  military  career,  was  again  welcomed  with 
every  token  of  respect  that  could  be  devised  for  honoring  the  •'  Na- 
tion's Guest."  He  landed  in  New  York  in  August,  1824,  and  after 
remaining  there  a  short  time,  set  out  on  a  tour  through  all  the  states. 
Upwards  of  a  year  was  taken  up  in  accomplishing  this  gratifying 
object ;  and  in  September,  1825,  he  sailed  from  Washington  in  th« 
frigate  Brar-dywine  for  his  native  home. 


ELKCTORAL  VOTES. 


79 


ELECTION  FOR  THE  TENTH  TERM, 

OOJIMENCING  MAKCH  4,  1825,  AND  TERMINATING  MARCH  3,  1829. 


STATES. 

PRESIDK.NT. 

VICE-PKESIOKXT. 
1            1            r            1 

s 

1 

O    d 

d 

2; 

<D 

m 

§1 

-a  0) 
oH 

■^  o 

1 

-a 

a 

^^ 

o 
-a 

•a"cs 

5 
1 

•g 

c 

a 
B 

C    K 

0 

a 
2; 

a 

CO 

0  ^ 
Jd 

1 

a) 

u 

c  c 

.>  0 
g 

3 

a 

a 

8 

8 
15 
4 
8 
7 
26 

— 

7 

15 

8 

.... 

1 

H 

Massachusetts 

4 

Rhode  Island 

8 

Connecticut 

.... 

7 

Vermont 

"5' 

"4' 

7 
29 

8 
28 

1 
10 

36 

1 

8 
28 

8 

''8 

Pennsylvania 

3 

1 

3 

2 

1 

24 

n 

Maryland 

7 

24' 



?4 

15 

North  Carolina  

15 
11 

15 
11 

11 

South  Carolina 

q 

9 

14 

Kentucky  

14 

7 
11 

"5' 
5 
3 
3 
6 
9 

n 

11 

16 

Ohio 

16 

16 

5 

3 
5 
3 

2 

5 

2 

(i 

3 

Mississippi 

3 

1 

5 

9 

9 

"3' 

3 

3 

261 

Wliole  No.  of  Electors 

Majority 131 

99 

84 

41 

37 

182 

30 

24 

13 

9 

2 

Neither  candidate  for  the  Presidency  having  received  a  majority  of 
the  electoral  votes,  it  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
choose  a  President  from  the  three  highest  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for, 
which  three  were  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  "Williaoi 
H.  Crawford.  Twenty-four  tellers  (one  member  from  each  state)  were 
appointed,  who,  after  examining  the  ballots,  announced  that  the  votes 
of  thirteen  states  had  been  given  for  John  Quincy  Adams ;  the  votes 
of  seven  states  for  Andrew  Jackson  ;  and  the  votes  of  four  states  for 
William  H.  Crawford.  The  Speaker  then  declared  that  John  Quincy 
Adams,  having  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  all  the  states,  waa 
duly  elected  President  of  the  TTnited  States  for  four  years,  commenf  mg 
on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1825  ;  on  which  day  Mr.  Adams  took  th« 
oath  of  office,  and  entered  upon  his  duties. 

John  C.  Calhoun,  having  been  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oatu 
of  office,  and  attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4, 1825. 


so 


ELECTORAL    T  0TK3 


ELECT  3N  FOR  THE  ELEVEN"H  TERM, 

COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  1829,  AND  TERMINATING  MARCH  o    1833. 


■a  0} 
O   ti 


I 


STATES, 


PRESID'T.  ■V7CE-PRESIDEN1 


S  9 

o  Eh 


>-.a 
a  >r. 

•3 1 

a  o 
o 


M6 


tf    4) 


16 

4 

8 

7 

36 

8 

28 

3 

11 

•M 

15 

11 

9 

14 

11 

16 

6 

3 

5 

S 

5 

3 

;i6l 


Maine , 

New  Hampshire. 
Massachusetts . . . 
Rhode  Island .... 

Connecticut 

Vermont 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina.. 
South  Carolina.. 

Georgia 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

Louisiana 

Mississippi 

Indiana 

Illinois 

Alabama 

Missouri 


20 


28 


Whole  No .  of  Electors 

Majority 131 


178 


83 


171 


ADdrew  Jackson  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  President,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties  March  4.  1829. 

John  C.  Calhoun  took  the  oath  of  ofiSce,  as  Yice-President,  and 
presided  in  the  Senate  March  4,  1829. 

A  series  of  unfortunate  political  and  social  occurrences  soon  led  t6 
a  rupture  of  that  cordiality  which  had  formerly  existed  between  these 
two  distinguished  individuals,  the  consequences  of  which  were  pecu- 
liarly disastrous  to  the  political  aspirations  of  Mr.  Calhoui,  who  waa 
never  afterwards  regarded  with  much  favor  beyond  the  immediate 
limits  of  his  own  state. 


ELECTORAli  VOTES. 


81 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    TWELFTH    TERM, 
COiniENCIKG  lUBCH  4,  1833,  AND  TERMNATIXG  JURCII  3    1S37. 


I'RKSIUIJ.VT.           1              VICE-FRfc:>IDE.\T 

' 

E 

CO    ^ 

B-g 
1 

STATES. 

„  X 

o  5 

■a 
c 

3 
C 

^    C 

'c 

1 

>» 
o 

a 

"3 

c 

3 

a  c 
it 

>  o 

c 

5 

r5 

"a 
> 

C    X 

it 

a  '^ 
3 

-3 

'S 

x"  > 

■-  1^. 
=  'i. 

>  s 

^  o 
is 

y, 

5° 

i 

'a 

a 

C^ 
^  >^ 
^  en 

3i  a 
s  a 
=  ■?- 

2 

10 

Maine 

10 

10 
7 

7 

New  Hampshire 

ii' 

4 
8 

•  .  •  • 

14 

Massachusetts 

14 
4 

8 

.... 

4 

Elhode  Island 

*  •  •  . 

8 

Connecticut 

7 

Vermont 

7 

7 

42 

New  York 

42 

8 

30 

42 

8 

8 

Kew  Jersey 

30 

Pennsylvania 

30 

. 

3 

3 

5 

3 
5 

.  •  •  • 

in 

Maryland 

3 

23 
15 

3 
23 

•  •  •  I 

23 

Virginia 

15 

North  Carolina  

Il- 

11 

South  Carolina 

11 

... 



11 

■■ 

n 

Georgia 

11 

ib 

•"       n' 

.... 

15 

Kentucky 

ls 
21 
5 
4 
9 
5 
7 
4 

15 

15 

Tennessee 

15 
21 

91 

Ohio 

ft 

Louisiana 

... 

4 

Mississippi 

9 

Indiana 

Illinois 

9 
5 
7 
4 

ft 

7 

Alabama 

Missouri 

4 

?S8 

Whole  No.  of  Electors  

219 

49 

11 

7 

ISO 

49 

SO 

11 

7 

Majority 1-15 

Andrew  Jackson,  re-elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  ofEee,  and 
continued  his  duties.  March  4,  1833. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  having  been  elected  Vice-President,  took  the 
oath  of  office,  and  attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1833. 

Early  in  June,  1833,  the  President  left  Washington  on  a  tour 
through  the  Northern  states,  and  was  every  where  received  with  an 
enthusiasm  that  evinced  the  cordial  approval  of  his  administration  by 
the  people.  One  of  his  first  measures,  on  returning  to  the  seat  of 
government,  was  the  removal  of  the  public  moneys  from  the  United 
States  Bank,  for  which  act  he  encountered  the  most  virulent  hostility 
of  a  small  majority  of  the  Senate,  who  passed  resolutions  censuring 
Lis  course.  But  this  injustice  has  not  been  perpetuated ;  for  on  the 
16th  of  January,  1837,  these  partisan  resolutions  were  expunged  from 
the  records  by  order  of  a  handsome  majority. 


82 


ELKCTORAL  VOTES. 


ELECTION  FOR  THE  THIRTEENTH  TtRM, 

COSOIENCmG  JIAECH  4,  1837,  AND  TERMINATING.  MARCH  3,  1841. 


g 

STATES. 

PRESIDENT. 

VICE-PRESIDENT. 

-  u 

c  o 

£>^ 

«=„ 

>  o 
a 

1 

.£ 

CO 
0  ^ 
.20 

K 
K 
S 

0 

tr. 

if 

■a 

CO 

Q 

S3 

it 

-^ 

3 

3 

0 
life 

1 

'S 

•a 
> 

$ 

a 

0 
1-5 

i 

3 

10 

Maine 

10 

7 

10 

7 

"4' 

8 

7 

New  Hampshire 

U 

Massachusetts 

14 

14 

4 

Rhode  Island 

4 
8 

a 

Connecticut 

7 

Vermont 

7 

42 

New  York 

42 

42 

8 

New  Jersey 

8 

SO 

Pennsylvania 

30 

30 

3 

Delaware 

3 
10 

3 

ib' 

10 

Maryland 

23 

Virginia 

23 
15 

23 

To 

North  Carolina  

15 

11 

biDth  Carolina 

11 

11 
11 

is' 

11 

Georgii 

11 

15 

Kentucli^y          

15 

15 

15 

Tennessee . .           

15 

^1 

Ohio 

21 

21 

5 

Louisiana 

5 
4 

7 

6 

4 

4 

Mississippi 

Indiana ... 

9 

9 

9 

5 

Illinois 

5 
7 
4 
3 
3 

7 

Alabama 

4 

Missouri 

.... 

3 

Arliansas 

3 

Michigan 

3 

?94 

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

170 

73 

•A    '   14 

11 

147* 

77 

47 

23 

Majority 148 

I 


Martin  Van  Buren,  elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  office,  and 
entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1831. 

Richard  M.  Johnson,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  office, 
and  attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1837. 

Urged  by  the  unprecedented  financial  embarrassments  which  were 
experienced  in  every  branch  of  industry,  and  especially  by  the  mer- 
cantile class,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  first  measure  was  to  convene  a  special 
meeting  of  Congress  early  in  September,  '37,  which  continued  in  session 
forty  days,  but  accomplished  very  little.  A  bill  authorizing  the  issue 
of  $10,000,000  in  treasury  notes  was  passed ;  but  the  Independent 
Treasury  bill  (the  great  financial  measure  of  the  administration)  was 
then  rejected,  although  afterwards  (in  1840)  adopted. 

*  Klected  Ijy  the  Senate. 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


83 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    FOURTEENTH    TERM, 
COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  1841,  AND  TERXONATIXG  JL-IRCH  3,  1845. 


II 

^1 

STATES. 

PRKSID'T. 

VICK-PRESIOEXT. 

It 

a 

1 

■& 

a 
0 

•-3 

-5  0 

—"5. 

0  a 
^.^ 

QQ 

a 

-5 

10 

Maine 

10 

"7" 
'23" 

ii' 

"5" 

7 
4 
3 

10 

'ii' 
4 

8 

7 
42 

8 
30 

3 
10 

'is' 
'ii' 

15 
15 

21 
5 
4 
9 

"3' 

7 

New  Hampshire 

7 

14 

ilassachu.setts 

14 
4 
8 
7 

42 
8 

30 
3 

10 

4 

Rhode  Island 

8 

Connecticut 

7 

Vermont 

A?. 

New  York. 

8 

New  Jersey 

SO 

Pennsylvania 

3 

Delaware - 

10 

Maryland 

?.S 

Virginia 

22 

15 

15 

11 

South  Carolina 

11 

Georgia 

11 

15 

15 

21 

5 

4 

9 

15 

Kentucky,, ,,,.,,,,,,,,,,,. • • 

15 

Tennessee , • 

'}^ 

Ohio 

6 

LiOuisiana 

4 

Mississippi 

9 

Indiana 

— 

fi 

Illinois 

5 
7 
4 
3 

7 

Alabama 

4 

3 

Arkansas  

3 

3 

ffn 

No .  of  Electors 

234 

60 

•^34 

48 

Ji 

1 

William  H.  Harrison,  elected  President,  took  the  oath  of  oflBce, 
and  entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1841. 

John  Tyler,  elected  Vice-President,  took  the  oath  of  ofiBce,  and 
attended  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1841. 

Soon  after  his  inauguration,  President  Harrison  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, convening  Congress  for  an  extra  session  on  the  31st  of  May,  to 
consider  "sundry  weighty  and  important  matters,  chiefly  growing  out 
of  tlie  state  of  the  revenue  and  finances  of  the  country. '  But  he  did 
not  live  to  submit  his  remedial  plaii.s — dying,  after  a  very  brief  illness, 
on  the  4th  of  April,  exactly  one  month  alter  coming  into  office.  He 
was  the  first  President  who  had  died  during  his  otBcial  term,  and  a 
messenger  was  immediately  dispatched  with  a  letter,  signed  by  all  the 


84  ELECTOKAL  VOTES. 

members  of  the  Cabinet,  couveyiug  the  melancholy  intelligence  to  the 
Vice-President,  then  at  "Williamsburg,  Ya.  By  extraordinary  means 
he  reached  Washington  at  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th,  and 
at  twelve  o'clock  the  Heads  of  Departments  waited  upon  him,  to  pay 
their  official  and  personal  respects.  After  signifying  his  deep  feeling 
of  the  public  calamity  sustained  by  the  death  of  President  Harrison., 
and  expressing  his  profound  sensibility  of  the  heavy  responsibilities  so 
suddenly  devolved  upon  him-'^elf,  he  made  known  his  wishes  that  the 
several  Heads  of  Departments  would  continue  to  fill  the  places  which 
they  then  respectively  occupied,  and  his  confidence  that  they  would 
afford  all  the  aid  in  their  power  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  admin- 
istration of  the  government  successfully. — Mr.  Tyler  afterwards  took 
and  subscribed  the  following  oath  of  office : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear,  that  I  will  faitlifully  execute  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  JOHN  TYLER. 

"Aphil  6,  1841." 

Pursuant  to  the  proclamation  of  President  Harrison,  Congress  met 
on  the  31st  of  May,  and  continued  in  session  until  the  13th  of  Sep- 
tember. On  the  27th  of  July  a  bill  for  the  establishment  of  "The 
Fiscal  Bank  of  the  United  States,"  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  26 
to  23,  and  was  concurred  in  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
6th  of  August — 128  to  91.  President  Tyler,  however,  returned  the 
bill  on  the  16th,  with  his  oly'e^tions.  and  it  was  lost  for  lack  of  a  con- 
stitutional majority.  But  the  friends  of  a  national  bank  were  not  to 
be  deterred  from  their  purpose  by  a  single  repulse  :  another  bill  (about 
the  same  in  substance)  was  immediately  hurried  through  both  Houses, 
under  the  title  of  "  Tlie  Fiscal  Corporation  of  the  United  States,"  and 
this  also  shared  the  fate  of  its  predecessor. 

A  Senate  bill  for  the  establishment  of  a  uniform  system  of  bank- 
ruptcy throughout  the  United  States,  was  concurred  in  by  the  House 
on  the  18th  of  August,  and  became  a  law;  but,  meeting  with  very 
genera]  condemnation,  it  was  soon  after  repealed. 

A  "bill  was  also  passed  at  this  extra  session  for  the  distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands  among  the  several  states, 
in  proportion  to  population. 

In  1842  an  important  treaty,  adjusting  the  north-eastern  boundary 
of  the  United  States,  was  negotiated  at  AVashington  between  Mr. 
"Webster,  on  the  part  of  this  country,  and  Lord  Ashburtou,  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain. 

During  the  last  year  of  Mr.  Tyler's  administration  mucl  excitement 
prevailed  on  the  proposed  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  Dnion,  which 
was  strongly  resisted  at  the  North,  en  the  ground  that  the  South  and 
southern  institutions  v,-ould  thereby  gain  increased  power  in  the 
national  councils.  A  treaty  of  annexation,  signed  by  the  President, 
was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  but  measures  were  taken  by  which  Texas 
was  admitted  the  year  follo^ring. 


ELECTORAL  VOTES. 


85 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    FIFTEENTH    TERM, 

OOMJIEXaNU  JLUICH  4,  1845.  ASD  TKRjnXATIXG  MARCH  3,  1849. 


s 

d 

STATES. 

PRES 

d 

K 

r. 

^  o 

1 

sID'T. 

p 

d  ° 

>> 

a 

K 

V.PB 

cS 

— ■      X 

^  c 

es'T 

9 

Maine 

9 
6 

6 
6 

7 

"3" 

8 

ii' 

'{■2 

13 
23 

9 

6 

'se" 

26' 

"9' 
10 

"e' 

6 

12 
9 
9 
7 
3 
5 

6 

New  Hampshire 

1? 

1?, 

4 

Rho^*e  Island 

4 

fi 

R 

6 

Vermont 

6 

Sfi 

New  York 

36 

7 

New  Jersey ', 

7 

?fi 

Pennsylvania 

26 

3 

3 

8 

Maryland 

8 

17 

Viro'inia                                               ,       , 

17 

11 

North  Carohna 

n 

Q 

9 
10 

10 

Georgia 

1" 

1? 

13 

Tennessee .           

IS 

?3 

Ohio 

?3 

6 

Louisiana , , 

6 
6 
12 
9 
9 
7 
3 
5 

6 

Mississippi 

•  • 

1? 

9 

Illinois.    ...          

9 

Alabama                              ,    ,         ,. 

7 

Missouri.       , 

3 

Arkansas *. 

f> 

?7f> 

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

170 

105 

170 

10& 

Majority 138 

James  K.  Polk  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  President,  aud  entered 
upon  his  duties  March  4,  1845. 

George  M.  Dallas  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  Vice-President,  and 
ftttendod  in  the  Senate,  March  4,  1845. 

The  most  important  incidents  of  Mr.  Polk's  administration  were  the 
ttdmii^sion  of  Texas  and  the  consequent  war  with  Mexico,  the  latter  of 
which  resulted  in  extending  our  territorial  boundaries  to  the  Pacific 
ocean,  embracing  regions  of  incalculable  value. 


86 


ELECTORAL    %rOTE8. 


a 
ss 

d 
5^ 


9 

6 

12 

4 

6 

6 

36 

7 

26 

3 

8 

17 

11 

9 

10 

12 

13 

23 

6 

6 

12 

9 

9 

7 

3 

5 

3 

4 

4 

4 

290 


tLECTION    FOR    THE    SIXTEENTH    TERM, 

COMMENCING  MARCH  4,  1849,  AND  TER^HNATING  ILVRCII  3,  18K3. 


STATES. 


Maine 

New  Hampshire. 
Massacliusetts . . . 
Rliode  Island . . . . 

Connecticut 

Vermont 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware , 

Maryland 

Virginia 

Nortli  Carolina.. 
South  Carolina. . 

Georgia 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Ohio 


Louisiana.. 
Mississipiji . 
Tndiana. . . . 
Illinois.. . . 
Alabama.. . 
Missouri. , . 
Arkansas . . 
Michigan . . 
Florida .... 

Texas 

Iowa 

■Wisconsin. 


PKE.SID'T.!V.PREri'T. 


Whole  No.  of  Elector.s 

Majority 146 


11 


163 


17 
'9' 

'23 

"e 
12 
9 
9 
7 
3 
5 

■4 

4 
4 


127 


o 

■a 
1=1 


11 

io 
12 

13 


163 


23 

c' 

12 
9 
9 
7 
3 
5 

"4 

4 
4 

127 


■  2iichary  Taylor  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  President,  and  entered 
npon  his  duties  March  4,  1849.  He  did  not,  however,  long  enjoy  hia 
honors — death  suddenly  closing  his  earthly  career,  July  9,  1850. 

Millard  Fillmore  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  Vice-President,  and 
entered  upon  bis  duties  March  4,  1849.  Congress  being  in  session  at 
the  time  President  Taylor  died,  the  Vice-President  sent  a  message  to 
both  houses  on  the  10th  of  July,  in  which  he  feelingly  announced  the 
melancholy  event.  On  the  same  day  he  took  the  requisit>e  oath,  and 
entered  on  the  execution  of  the  office  of  President. 

Willie  P.  Mangum,  of  N.  C,  President  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  acted 
as  Vice-President,  ex  officio,  during  the  remainder  of  the  terni. 


ELECTORAL   V0TE3. 


81 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    SEVENTEENTH    TERM, 
OOJOrENXlXG  JURCH  4,  1853,  AXD  TERMIXATLN'G  ILAKCH  3,  lSi)7 


11 

• 

STATES. 

PRES 

A 

SB 

% 

►K  o 

lU'T. 

• 
a; 

,    ^ 

<a  c 
a 

V.PR 

ill 
^< 

t— «  t^ 

1 

ES'T. 

i| 

8 

JIaine 

8 
5 

is' 
"5' 

12 
12 

8 
6 

"4 
6 

■35' 

7 
27 

3 

8 
15 
10 

8 
10 

"23' 
6 
7 
13 
11 
9 
9 
4 
6 
3 
4 
4 
5 
4 

ft 

13 

Massachusetts                 

13 

4 

Rhode  Island  

4 
6 

6 

5 

6 

Venuont           

3ft 

35 
7 

27 
3 
8 

15 

10 
8 

10 

New  Jersey 

27 
3 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware           . 

.... 

8 

lf> 

Tirsriiiia                          .        

10 

s 

South  Caiolina.           .           

10 

12 

12 

12 

Tenness^*                                     • 

^?. 

23 

Ohio                              

23 
6 
7 
13 
11 
9 
9 
4 
6 
3 
4 
4 
5 
4 

6 

7 

Louisiana.  .   

MississiiiD* • 

13 

11 

Illinois                          .          

9 
g 

Alabama 

Missouri.            .,          *. . 

4 

t; 

ilicbiiran       

3 

4 

Texas.              

.    4 

5 

Wisconsin     .        

4 

296 

254 

42 

254 

4?. 

Maioritv           149 

Franklin  Pierce  took  the  oath  of  oflBce,  as  President,  and  entered 
ipon  his  duties  March  4,  1853. 

The  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  William  R.  King  by  a  com- 
Oiission  while  he  was  on  i.  visit  to  Cuba  for  the  benefit  of  his  health  ; 
out  he  died  soon  after  his  return  home,  and  Jesse  D.  Bright,  of  Indi- 
ana, then  I'rcsident  of  the  Senate,  acted  as  Vice-President,  ex  officio, 
during  iho  renniuder  of  tb;  term. 

Joiiu  P.  Hale,  of  N.  Hampshire,  and  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana, 
were  nominated  by  the  "Free  Democracy"  for  President  and  Vice- 
I'rcsideut,  but  they  did  not  receive  a  single  electoral  vote. 


88 


ELECTORAL  VOTES 


ELECTION    FOR    THE    E   GHTEENTH    TERM, 
COJIIIENCJNG  JLiRCH  4,  1857,  AND  TER.\nNATI\G  JIARCH  S,  1861. 


2-S 

11 

o  " 

STATES. 

PRESIDEXr. 

Vira-PRK'-IDEN't 
1 

_J3 

'5 
So 

a 

•-> 

,  5 

d 
a 

o 

•-5 

c 

S 

■O    o 

■^  ? 
CQ  o 

d 

3 

o 

1 
>^.  1  _-  J, 

C    «J     =    so 
J^    a;   1— <    « 

S        n 

8 
5 

Maine 

New  riamjisliire 

.... 

8 

5 

13 

— 

27 

is' 

10 
8 
10 
12 
12 

"e" 

7 
13 
11 
9 
9 
4 

"3" 

4 

"4' 

8 
5 

lo 
4 
6 
5 

35 

.... 

In 

Massachusetts .... 

4 

Rhode  Island 

4  :;;: 

fi 

Connecticut 

6 

5 

36 

— 
— 

ft 

Veimont 

d5 

New  York 

7 

New  Jersey 

7 

27 

3 

'>! 

rennsylvania,              .            , 

Delaware 

R 



8 

15 

Virginia 

15 

10 

8 

10 

12 
12 

"4' 
5 

in 

North  Carolina 

s 

South  Carolina 

....  1 

in 

^? 

Kentuckv 

'23' 

"e' 

"4' 

5 

T? 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

fi 

Louisiana 

6 
7 
13 
11 
9 
9 
4 

Mississippi 

3 

India  na 

Tl 

Illinois 

19 

Alabama 

9 

Missouri 

4 

Arkansas 

fi 

3 

Florida 

3 

4 

4 

Texas 

4 

Iowa 

ft 

Wisconsin* 

4 

Califoi'nia 

4 

2Sfi 

Whole  No.  of  Electors 

174 

114 

8   |1T4 

114 

8 

I 


James  Buchanan  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  President,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1857. 

John  C.  Breckeuridge  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  Vice-President, 
and  entered  upon  his  duties,  March  4,  1857. 

*  When  the  Electoral  votes  were  being  counted,  in  Joint  Convention  of  tbe  Senate 
flu.i  House  of  Representatives,  objections  ivere  made  to  including  the  votes  of  Wiscnn- 
ain.  hpcause  the  electors  did  not  meet  until  the  day  after  that  prescribed  by  law.  The 
I'resident  of  the  Convention  stated  that  he  merely  announced  that  James  Buchanan 
had  be'Mi  elec^ed  President  of  the  United  States,  without  any  reference  to  tbe  ooutested 
votes,  and  declined  expressing  an  opinion  on  the  subject. 


SEAL   OF   THE   UNITED    STATES. 


89 


THE  GREAT  SEAL  OF  THE  IINITEI)  STATES 

Is  one  of  peculiar  inter- 
est, and  therefore  we  feel 
warranted  in  giving  more 
details  of  its  design  and 
history  than  can  be  allotted 
to  the"^  Seals  of  the  several 
States.  Soon  after  the  de- 
claration of  independence, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Joho 
Adams,  and  Thomas  Jef- 
fereon  were  appointed  a 
commiltee  to  prepare  a 
great  seal  for  the  infant  re- 
j)ul)lic  ;  and  they  employed 
a  French  West  Indian, 
named  Du  Simitiere,  not 
only  to  furnish  designs,  but 
also  to  sketch  such  devices 
as  were  suggested  by  them- 
selves. In  one  of  his  de- 
signs, the  artist  displayed  on  a  shield  the  armorial  ensigns  of  the  several 
nations  from  whence  America  had  been  peopled— embracing  those  of 
England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  Fnxuce,  Cermany,  and  Holland.  On  one 
side  was  placed  Liberty  with  her  cap,  and  on  the  other  was  a  riflemau 
in  uniform,  with  his  rifle  in  one  hand  and  a  tomahawk  in  the  other — 
the  dress  and  weapons  being  peculiar  to  America. 

Franklin  proposed,  for  the  device,  Moses  lifting  his  wand,  and  dividing 
the  Ked  Sea,  and  Pliaraoh  and  his  liosts  overwhelmed  with  the  waters. 
For  a  motto,  the  words  of  Cromwell,  "  Kebeilion  to  tyrants  is  obedience 
to  God." 

Adams  proposed  the  Choice  of  Ilercnles  ;  the  hero  resting  on  a  club, 
Virtue  pointing  to  her  rugged  mountain  on  one  hand,  and  persuading 
liim  to  ascend  ;  and  Sloth,  glancing  at  her  flowery  paihs  of  pleasure, 
wantonly  reelining  on  the  ground,  displaying  the  charms,  both  of  her 
elo(pience  and  person,  to  seduce  him  into  vice. 

JefTer.'^on  proposed  the  Children  of  Israel  in  the  Wilderness,  led  by  a 
cloud  by  day  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night ;  ajid.  on  the  reverse,  Hengist 
Rnd  Horsa,  the   Saxon   chiefs,  from  whom  we  claim  the  lionor  of  being 


00  SEAI.   OF    THE   UNITED    STATES. 

descended,  and  whose  political  principles  and  form  of  government  wb 
have  assumed. 

Franklin  and  Adams  then  requested  Jefferson  to  combine  their  ideas 
in  a  compact  description  of  the  proposed  great  seal,  which  he  did,  and 
that  paper,  in  his  handwriting,  is  now  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  at  Washington.  This  design  consisted  of  a  shield  with  six  quar- 
terings,  farti  one,  coupi  two,  in  heraldic  phrase.  The  first  gold,  and  an 
enameled  rose,  red  and  white,  for  England  ;  the  second  white,  with  a 
thistle,  in  its  proper  colors,  for  Scotland  ;  the  third  green,  with  a  harp 
of  gold,  for  Ireland ;  the  fourth  blue,  with  a  golden  lily-flower,  for 
France  ;  the  fifth  gold,  with  the  imperial  black  eagle,  for  Germany ; 
and  the  sixth  gold,  with  the  Belgie  crowned  red  lion,  for  Holland. 
These  denoted  the  countries  from  which  America  had  been  peopled. 
He  proposed  to  place  the  shield  within  a  red  border,  on  which  there 
should  be  thirteen  white  escutcheons,  linked  together  by  a  gold  chain, 
each  bearing  appropriate  initials,  in  black,  of  the  confederated  States. 
Supporters,  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  on  the  right  side,  in  a  corslet  of 
armor,  in  allusion  to  the  then  state  of  war,  and  holding  the  spear  and 
cap  in  her  right  hand,  while  her  left  supported  the  shield.  On  the  left, 
the  Goddess  of  Justice,  leaning  on  a  sword  in  her  right  hand,  and  in 
her  left  a  balance.  The  crest,  the  eye  of  Providence  in  a  radiant  tri- 
angle, whose  glory  should  extend  over  the  shield  and  beyond  the 
figures  Motto  :  E  Pluribus  Unum — "  Many  in  one."  Around  the 
whole,  "  Seal  of  the  United  States  of  America,  MDGCLXXVI."  For 
the  reverse,  he  proposed  the  device  of  Pharoah  sitting  in  an  open 
chariot,  a  crown  on  his  head  and  a  sword  in  his  hand,  passing  through 
the  divided  waters  of  the  Red  Sea  in  pursuit  of  the  Israelites.  Rays 
from  a  jjillar  of  fire  in  a  cloud,  expressive  of  the  Divine  presence  and 
command,  beaming  on  Moses,  who  stands  on  the  shore,  and,  extending 
his  hand  over  the  sea,  causes  it  to  overwhelm  Pharoah  and  his  follow- 
ers.    Motto  :  "  Rebellion  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God." 

Jefl^'erson's  device  was  highly  approved  by  his  coadjutors,  and  the 
committee  reported  on  the  lOth  of  August,  1776  ;  but,  for  some  unac- 
countable reason,  their  report  was  neglected,  not  having  been  even 
placed  on  record  ;  and  the  affair  was  allowed  to  slumber  until  the  24th 
of  March,  1779,  when  Messrs.  Lovell,  of  Massachusetts,  Scott,  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  Houstoun,  of  Georgia,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  make 
another  device. 

On  the  10th  of  May  following  they  reported  in  favor  of  a  seal  four 
inches  in  diameter,  one  side  of  which  shoiild  be  composed  of  a  shield 
with  thirteen  diagonal  stripes,  alternate  red  and  white.  Supporters,  a 
warrior,  holding  a  sword,  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  the  figure  of 
Peace,  bearing  an  olive  branch.  The  crest,  a  radiant  constellation  of 
thirteen  stars.  Motto  :  Bella  vcl  Pace — "  For  War  or  Peace,"  and  the 
legend,  "  Seal  of  the  United  States,"  On  the  reverse,  the  figure  of 
Liberty,  seated  in  a  chair,  holding  the  staff  and  cap.  Motto  :  Semper — 
"  Forever  " — and  underneath,  MDGCLXXVI.  This  report  was  re-com- 
mitted, and  again  submitted  with  some  slight  modifications  ; substituting 
the  figure  of  an  Indian  with  bow  and  arrows  in  his  right  hand  for  that 
of  a  warrior)  just  a  year  afterward  ;  but  it  was  not  accepted,  and  the 
matter  rested  until  April,  1782,  when  Henry  Middleton,  Elias  Bondinot, 


SEAL    OP    THE    UNITED    STATES.  91 

and  Edward  Rutledge  were  appointed  a  third  committee  to  prepare  a 
Beal.  They  reported  on  the  9th  of  May  following,  substantially  the 
same  as  the  committee  of  1779  and  1780  ;  bnt,  this  not  being  satisfac- 
tory to  Congress,  on  the  13th  of  June  the  whole  matter  was  referred  to 
Charles  Thomson,  its  secretary. 

He  in  turn  procured  several  devices,  among  which  was  one  by  Wil- 
liam Barton,  of  Philadelphia,  consisting  of  an  escutcheon,  with  a  blue 
border,  spangled  with  thirteen  stars,  and  divided  in  the  centre,  perpen- 
dicularly, by  a  gold  bar.  On  each  side  of  this  division,  within  tlie 
blue  border,  thirteen  bars  or  stripes,  alternate  red  and  white,  like  the 
American  flag  adopted  on  the  I4th  of  June,  1777.  Over  the  gold  bar 
an  eye  surrounded  with  a  glory,  and  in  the  gold  bar  a  Doric  column 
resting  on  the  base  of  the  escutcheon,  having  a  displayed  eagle  on  its 
summit.  The  crest,  a  helmet  of  burnished  gold,  damasked,  grated  with 
six  bars,  and  surmounted  by  a  red  cap  of  dignity,  such  as  dukes  wear, 
with  a  black  lining,  and  a  cock  armed  with  gaS^.  Supporters,  on  one 
side  the  Genius  of  America,  with  loose  Auburn  tresses,  having  on  her 
head  a  radiant  crown  of  gold,  encircled  with  a  sky-blue  fillet,  spangled 
with  silver  stars,  and  clothed  in  a  long,  loose,  white  garment,  bordered 
with  green.  From  the  right  shoulder  to  the  left  side,  a  blue  scarf  with 
stars,  the  cinctures  being  the  same  as  in  the  border.  Around  her  waist 
a  purple  girdle,  fringed  with  gold,  and  the  word  Virtde  embroidered 
in  white.  Her  interior  hand  rested  on  the  escutcheon,  and  the  other  held 
the  American  standard,  on  the  top  of  which  a  white  dove  was  perched. 
The  supporter  on  the  other  side  was  a  man  in  complete  armor ;  his 
Bword-belt  blue,  fringed  with  gold  ;  his  helmet  encircled  with  a  wreath 
of  laurel,  and  crested  with  one  white  and  two  blue  plumes  ;  his  left 
hand  supporting  the  escutcheon,  and  his  right  holding  a  lance  with  a 
bloody  point.  Upon  an  unfurled  green  banner  was  a  golden  harp  with 
silver  strings,  a  brilliant  star,  and  two  lily-flowers,  with  two  crossed 
Bwords  below.  The  two  figures  stood  upon  a  scroll,  on  which  was  the 
motto  Beo  Favente — "  With  God's  Favor " — in  allusion  to  the  eye  of 
Providence  in  the  arms.  On  the  crest,  in  a  scroll,  was  the  motto  Virtus 
sola  Invictu — "  Virtue  alone  is  Invincible." 

After  vainly  striving  to  perfect  a  seal  which  should  meet  the  approval 
of  Congress,  Thomson  finally  received  from  John  Adams,  then  in  Lon- 
don, an  exceedingly  simple  and  appropriate  device,  suggested  by  Sir 
John  Prestwich,  a  baronet  of  the  West  of  England,  who  was  a  warm 
friend  of  America,  and  an  accomplished  antiquarian.  It  consisted  of 
an  escutcheon  bearing  thirteen  perpendicular  stripes,  white  and  red, 
with  the  chief  blue,  and  spangled  with  thirteen  stars  ;  and,  to  give  it 
greater  consequence,  he  proposed  to  place  it  on  the  breast  of  an  Ameri- 
can eagle,  displayed,  without  supporters,  as  emblematic  of  self-reliance. 
It  met  with  general  approbation,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  and  was 
adopted  in  June,  1782  :  so  it  is  manifest,  although  the  fact  is  not  exten- 
sively known,  that  we  are  indebted  for  our  national  arms  to  a  titled 
aristocrat  of  the  country  with  which  we  were  tlien  at  war.  Eschewing  all 
heraldic  technicalities,  it  may  be  thus  described  in  plain  English  :  Thirteen 
perpendicular  pieces,  white  and  i-ed  :  a  blue  field ;  the  escutcheon  on 
the  breast  of  the  American  eagle  displayed,  proper,  holding  in  his  right 
talon  an  olive-branch,  and  in  his  left  a  bundle  of  thirteen  arrows,  al] 


92 


SEAL    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


proper  aad  in  his  beak  a  scroll,  inscribed  with  the  motto  E  Plurtbus 
Em  For  the  crest,  over  the  head  of  the  eagle,  which  appears  above 
the  escutcheon,  a  golden  glory  breaking  through  a  cloud,  proper,  and 
Burrounding  thirteen  stars,  forming  a  constellation  of  white  stars  on  a 
blue  field. 

Reverse.  —  A  pyramid 
unfinished.  In  the  zenith, 
an  eye  in  a  triangle,  sur- 
rounded with  a  glory,  pro- 
per. Over  the  eye,  the 
words  Annuit  Cceptis — 
"  God  has  favored  the  un- 
dertaking." On  the  base 
of  the  pyramid,  are  the 
numeral  Roman  letters 
MDCCLXXVI.  ;  and  un- 
death  the  motto,,  A'^ocn.v 
Ordo  Seclorum — ''A  uew 
Series  of  Ages" — denot- 
ing that  a  new  ordc-r  of 
things  had  commenced  in 
the  Western  hemisphere. 
Thus,  after  many  fruitless 
efforts,     for     nearly     six 

years,  a  very  simple  seal  tt  -^  i  ox  i. 

was  adopted,  and  yet  remains  the  arms  of  the  United  btates. 


SEALS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES, 


ARRANGED  IN  CHRONOLOiilCAL  ORDER. 


VIRGINIA. 


0.\  a  white  or  silver  field  the  Goddess  of 
Yi:-tne,  the  genius  of  the  commonwealth, 
is  represented,  dressed  like  an  Amazon, 
renting  on  a  spear  with  one  hand,  and 
holding  ft  sword  in  the  other.  She  is  in 
the  act  of  trampling  on  Tyranny,  repre- 
scufed  by  a  man  prostrate,  a  crown  fallen 
f;-oin  his  head,  a  broken  chain  in  his  left 
hand,  and  a  scourge  in  his  right.  On  a 
label  above  the  figure  is  the  word  "  Vir- 
ginia ;"  and  beneath  them  is  the  motto, 
Sic  semper  tyrannis — "Thus  we  serve 
tyrants." 


SETTLED  BY    TUE    ENGLISH,  1607. 


NKW-YOKK 


A  shield,  or  escutcheon,  on  which  is  re- 
presented the  rising  sun,  with  a  range  of 
hills  and  water  in  the  foreground.  Above 
the  shield,  for  the  crest,  is  a  wreath  sur- 
mounted by  a  half  globe,  on  which  rests 
a  startled  eagle,  with  wings  outsti-etched. 
For  the  supporters  of  the  shield,  on  the 
right  is  represented  the  figure  of  Justice, 
with  the  sword  in  oue  hand  and  the  scales 
in  the  other ;  and  on  the  left  the  Goddess 
of  Liberty,  with  the  wand  and  cap  in  her 
left  hand,  and  the  olive  branch  of  peace 
in  her  right.  Below  the  shield  is  the 
motto,  Excelsior — "  More  elevated  " —  de- 
noting that  the  course  of  the  State  is  on- 
ward and  higher.  Around  the  border  of  the  seal,  between  two  plain 
lines,  is  the  inscription,  in  Roman  capitals,  "  The  Great  Seal  of  the  State 
ofNew-Tork." 

On  the  blue  ground  of  an  irregularly- 
formed  shii-ld  an  Indian  is  represented, 
dressed  with  belted  hunting-shirt  and  moc- 
cassins.  In  his  right  hand  is  a  golden 
bow,  and  in  his  left  an  arrow  with  the 
point  downward.  A  silver  star  on  the 
right  denotes  one  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  A  wreath  forms  the  crest  of 
the  escutcheon,  from  which  extends  a 
right  arm,  clothed  and  ruffed,  the  hand 
grasping  a  broad-sword,  the  pommel  and 
hilt  of  which  are  of  gold.  Around  the 
escutcheon,  on  a  waving  band  or  label, 
are  the  words,  Ensc  pelil  placidam  sub 
libcrtatc  qvictem — "  Bj  the  sword  she  seeks 
peace  under  liberty."        (  93 ) 


SKTTLfD  BY  THE    DUTCH,  1684. 


MASSACHCSETTS. 


SETTLED  BT  TUB  PIRITANS,  1620. 


A  circular  field,  surrounded  by  a  laurel  ne-w-hampshire. 

wreath,  encompassed  by  the  words,  in 
Roman  capitals,  "  Sigillum  Rcipublica 
Nr.o  Hantoniensis ;"  "  The  Seal  of  the 
JState  of  New-Hampshire,"  with  the  date, 
1781,  indicating  the  time  of  the  adoption 
Df  the  State  Constitution.  Land  and 
water  are  represented  in  the  foreground, 
with  the  trunk  of  a  tree  on  which  the 
hardy  woodman  is  yet  engaged,  embracing 
a  scene  of  busy  life,  significant  of  the  in- 
dHslrlons  habits  of  the  people  ;  and  a  shin 
on  the  stocks,  just  ready  for  launching, 

with  the   American  banner  displayed,  ^is     settled  bt the  pobitaks.  1623. 
figurative  of  readiness  to  embark  on  the 

sea  of  political  existence.     The  sun,  just  eme?'ging  above  the  horizon, 
eymbolizes  the  rising  destiny  of  the  State. 

A  white  shield,  or  escutcheon,  beai'ing  new-jerset. 

three  ploughs,  indicating  that  the  chief 
reliance  of  the  people  is  iipon  agriculture. 
The  crest  is  a  horse's  head,  supported  by 
a  full-face,  six-b.wred  helmet,  resting  on  a 
vase — the  latter  resting  on  the  top  of  the 
escutcheon.  The  supporters  are  the  God- 
dess of  Liberty  on  the  right,  wirh  her 
wand  and  cap,  her  left  arm  resting  on  the 
escutcheon  ;  and  Ceres  on  the  left,  her 
right  hand  resting  on  the  escutcheon  and 
her  left  supporting  a  cornucopia,  filled 
with  fruits  and  flowers.  Around  the  bor- 
der of  the  sea  ai'e  the  words,  in  Eoman 
capitals,  "The  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of 
New  Jersev,"  and  at  the  base  the  date  of  its  adoption,  in  numeral  let" 
ters,  MDCCLXXVL,  (1776.) 

An  azure  shield,  or  escutcheon,  divided  Delaware. 

into  two  equal  parts  by  a  white  band  or 
girdle.  A  cow  is  represented  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  shield,  and  in  the  upper  part 
are  two  symbols,  designed  probably  to 
represent  the  agricnltural  productions  of 
the  State — grain  and  tobacco.  The  crest 
(a  wreath)  siipports  a  ship  under  full  sail, 
displaying  the  American  banner.  On  a 
white  field  around  the  escutcheon  were' 
formei-ly  wivaths  of  flowers,  branches  of 
t!ie  olive,  and  other  svmbols,  but  these 
ii.'ive  been  displaced  for  two  figures,  repre- 
senting a  mariner  and  a  hunter.  At  the 
b(itt<im  of  the  seal,  in  numeral  letters,  is 
the  date  of  its  adoption,  MDC  JXCIII. 
(1703),  and  around  the  boi-der,  in  Roman  capitals,  are  the  words  "  Great 
Seal  of  the  State  of  Delaware."  ( "^4 ) 


SETTLED  BY  TUB    DUTCH,  lCi24. 


SETTLED  BY  SWEDES  ASD  DiNKS, 

lfi'27. 


ITTLBO    BT    THF.    IRISH    CATUO- 
Lies,  1635. 


CONKECTICPT. 


MARTLAM).  On  a  white  or  silver  field  the  figure  oi 

Jnstiw  is  seen  prominent  in  the  centre 
of  tho  foregruuinl,  gnispiug  an  olive 
brauch,  aud  ix  swoiJ  in  her  right  han'l, 
while  her  left  is  elevating  her  well-bal- 
lanced  scales  above  her  head.  At  her  feet 
is  a  laurel  wreath,  the  fasces  and  a  cornu- 
copia, with  an  uniuscribed  white  label 
waving  loosely  from  their  midst.  In  the 
distance,  on  'the  right,  is  a  view  of  the 
ocean,  with  a  ship  under  full  sail  in  the 
perspective,  bounded  by  a  clear  horizon. 
On  the  left  are  some  hogsheads  of  tobacco, 
symbolical  of  the  principal  products,  and 
a  ship  with  its  sails  partly  unfurled,  indi- 
cative of  commercial  enterprise. 

The  original  seal  is  of  an  oval  form, 
without  any  ornamental  devicee,  and  on 
the  field  are  delineated  three  grape-vines, 
each  winding  around  and  sustained  by  an 
upright  support,  the  whole  representing 
the  three  settlements  (Hartford,  Windsor, 
and  Wethersfield)  which  formed  the  earlv 
colony.  On  a  label  waving  around  the 
lower  vine  is  the  motto  Qui  Tranttulil 
Suflinct — "  Ho  who  planteth  still  sus- 
tains." Around  the  margin  of  the  field 
are  the  words,  "  SigWum  Rcipublica  Conr 
nccticiitevsis :"  "  The  Seal  of  the  State  of 
Connecticut."  [The  Colonial  seal  had 
fifteen  grape-vines,  with  a  hand  protruding 
from  the  clouds  on  the  right  above  them,  grasping  the  label  and  motto, 
which  was  waving  in  the  air ;  but  that  seal  has  been  broken,  and  the 
present  seal  used  in  its  stead.] 

A  white  or  silver  shield,  on  which  is  an 
anchor  with  two  flukes,  and  a  cable  at- 
tached. Above  the  shield,  in  Roman 
capitals,  is  the  word  HOPE,  and  from 
each  upper  comer  of  the  shield  is  sus- 
pended an  unlettered  label.  The  device 
symbolizes  those  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  which  led  to  the  found- 
ing of  this  colony,  and  in  which  the  faith 
of  the  citizens  of  the  State  is  still  deeply 
anchored.  The  motto.  HOPE,  above  tho 
shield,  directs  tho  mind  to  the  uncertain 
future,  anticipating  the  growing  prosperity 
of  the  State,  and  the  perpetuity  of  its  free 
institutions  ;  while  the  unlettered  label 
denotes  that  events  are  still  progressing  in  the  march  of  Time,  and 
await  the  completion  of  History,  before  tho  destiny  of  the  State  shall  be 
recorded  thereon.  (95) 


SETTLED  BT  THE  PURITiSS.  163-5. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


SETTLED  Br  ROQEB  WILl-IAUS.lO.e. 


In  the  original  seal,  which  differs  some-  north  carolixa. 

■what  from  the  margia,  on  a -white  or  silver 
field  are  represented  the  Goddess  of  Lib- 
erty on  the  right,  and  Ceres,  the  Goddess 
of  corn  and  of"  harvests,  on  the  left.  In 
the  right  hand  of  the  former  is  a  scroll, 
representing  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, and  the  left  supports  her  wand,  sur- 
mounted b}'  the  cap  of  liberty.  Ceres 
has  in  her  right  hand  three  heads  or  ears 
of  wheat,  and  in  her  left  the  cornucopia 
or  horn  of  plentj',  filled  with  the  products 
of  the  eartli.  In  the  background  is  a 
marine  view,  indicative  of  the  commercial 
i-esources  of  the  State.  Around  the  outer 
circle,  starting  from  a  star  on  the  top,  are  the  words,  in  Koman  capitals, 
"  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina." 


SETTLED  BY  THE  ENGLISH,  1650. 


In  the  centre  of  the  white  or  silver  field 
is  the  device  of  a  palmetto-tree  (a  species 
of  the  date),  with  its  topmost  branches  de- 
noting a  vigorous  growth,  emblematical 
of  the  prosperous  progress  of  the  State. 
Near  the  base  of  the  tree  are  two  cross- 
pieces  ;  composed  of  bundles  of  spears, 
at  the  crossing  of  which  is  attached  a 
scroll  or  label,  with  the  motto,  Animis 
opibusqm  parati — "  Ready  [to  defend  it] 
with  our  lives  and  property,"  which  mot- 
to, by  the  way,  is  more  generally  put 
around  the  lower  half  of  the  outer  circk, 
with  the  words  "  South  Carolina"  occupy- 
ing the  upper  half,  preceded  by  a  single 
star. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


STTLED  BY  THE  HU0UBN0T8, 

liiTO. 


On  a  white  field  is  an  escutcheon  parted  Pennsylvania. 

by  a  yellow  or  golden  band  or  girdle,  on 
which  is  represented  a  plough  in  its  natu- 
ral color.  Ill  tl'.e  Ufiper  part  of  the  shield, 
a  ship  under  full  sail  is  gliding  smoothly 
over  the  vi'aves  of  the  sea,  which  are  sur- 
mounted l>y  an  azure  sky.  At  the  lower 
]iart,  on  a  green  ground,  are  three  golden 
sheaves  of  wlient.  denoting  that  agricul- 
ture as  Well  as  comnioree,  is  one  of  the 
])rirnarv  reliances  of  the  Stnte.  On  the 
right  of  the  sliield  is  a  stalk  of  maize,  and 
on  the  left  an  olive  branch.  For  the 
crest,  on  a  wreath  of  olive  flowers,  is 
pei'ched  a  bald  ea;;'le,  with  wings  extended, 
holding  in  its  beak  a  label,  Avith  the  motto,  "Virtue,  Libei-ty,  and  Tnde- 
;ndence.''     .Around  the  margin  of  the  seal  are  the  words.  "  Seal  of  the 


SETTLED  BY  -Wn.LIAJt  PENN,  IG83. 


fc'tato  of  Pennsvlv';mia 


(96) 


8BTTLED  BT  THB    ENGLISH,  1733. 


VERMONT. 


GEOKSIA.  In  the  cpntre  of  a  circular  white  or  sil- 

ver field  are  three  pillars,  supporting  aa 
arch,  around  which  are  emblazoned  tho 
word  '•  Constitution."  The  pillars  are 
symbolical  of  the  three  departments  of 
the  State  goveriimeut — the  LcgislatiVi^ 
the  Judiciary,  and  the  Executive  ;  and  ou 
•the  one  at  the  right,  representing-  the  Leg- 
islative, is  the  word  "Wisdom;"  on  the 
second,  representing  the  Judiciary,  is  the 
Word  ••Justice  ;"'  and  on  the  third,  repre- 
senting the  Kxecutive,  is  the  word  "  Mode- 
ration."' Kear  the  right  pillar  is  the 
figure  of  an  officer  with  a  drawn  sword, 
denoting  that  the  aid  of  the  military  is 
always  ready  to  cufnrce  respect  and  obedience  to  law.  Around  the 
margin  of  the  circle  iire  the  words,  •'  State  of  Georgia.     1799." 

A  circular  field,  in  the  middle  of  which 
is  a  tall  evergreen  with  fourteen  branches 
— thirteen  representing  the  original  States, 
and  tlie  fourteenth  or  topuiost  the  State 
of  Vernioiit,  supported  by  the  others. 
Beneath  a  cloudless  firmament,  the  Green 
Mountains  are  seen  towering  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  in  the  foreground  are  sheaves 
of  wheat  and  a  cow,  indicative  of  an  agri- 
cultural and  grazing  country,  aft'crding 
the  true  sources  of  thrift  and  independ- 
ence for  an  industrious  population.  The 
Green  Mountains  h:ive  ever  been  con- 
sidered characteristic  of  the  hardy  race 
which  inhabits  that  region.  Around  the 
margin  of  the  field,  in  Roman  capitals,  the  -word  "  Vermont"  occupies 
the  upper  half  circle,  and  the  words  "Freedom  and  Unity"  occujiy  the 
lower  half 

KENTUCKY.  Although  the  seal  of  this  State  is  ap- 

parently and  really  among  the  most  sim- 
ple in  its  design,  ytt  it  embodies  a  sig- 
nificance which  should  commend  itself  to 
the  serious  consideration  of  all  who  are 
disposed  to  place  a  slight  value  upon  tlie 
union  of  tlie  States.  In  the  centre  of  a 
circular  white  or  silver  field,  two  friends 
are  8<  en  grasping  one  hand  of  each  other 
in  a  firm  and  cordial  embrace,  while  the 
other  is  extended  to  each  otjier's  back, 
significant  of  encouragement  and  support. 
Below  tl)em  is  the  ex  ressive  motto, 
'•  United  we  sttind  ;  divided  we  fdl.  '  An 
ornamented  double  circle  encompasses  the 
f  Kentucky"  between  the  lines  of  the 
( 97 )      ' 


ADMITTKD  INTO  THE  INIOS.  1791. 


ADMITTED  ISTOTUE  rNION,  1792. 

whole,  with    the  words   "Seal 
upper  h;df  circle. 


ADMITTED  INTO  THK  UMION,  1706. 


OHIO. 


A  white  or  silver  circular  field,  the  up-  Tennessee. 

per  half  of  which  is  occupied  on  the  right 
by  a  plough,  in  the  centre  by  a  sheaf  of 
wheat,  and  on  the  left  by  a  stalk  of  cotton. 
Underneath  these  emblems,  extending 
across  the  entire  middle  of  the  field,  is  the 
word  "  Agriculture,"  denoting  that  the 
first  reliance  of  the  State  sliould  be  upon 
tlie  productions  of  the  soil.  The  lower 
half  is  occupied  by  a  loaded  barge,  with 
the  word  "  Commerce"  below  the  water, 
indicating  that  the  prosperity  of  all  may 
be  promoted  through  this  means.  Over 
the  sheaf  of  wheat  are  the  numeral  letters 
XVI.,  denoting  that  this  was  the  sixeeenth 
State  admitted  into  the  Union.  Around  the  border  are  the  words,  "  The 
Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Tennesee,"  with  the  date,  1796. 

In  a  circular  field  are  several  devices, 
significant  of  the  general  surface,  busi- 
ness, and  prospects  of  the  State.  The 
central  portion  represents  a  cultivated 
country,  with  the  emblem  of  agriculture 
(a  wheat-sheaf)  on  the  right,  and  on  the 
left  a  bundle  of  seventeen  arrows,  indica- 
ting the  number  of  States  then  constitu- 
ting the  Union.  In  the  distance  is  a  range 
of  mountains,  the  base  skirted  by  a  tract 
of  woodland.  The  rising  sun,  which  is 
just  becoming  visible  above  the  moun- 
tains, -  betokens  the  rising  glory  of  the 
State.  The  foreground  is  an  expanse  of 
water,  with  a  keel-boat  on  its  surface,  in- 
dicative of  inland  trade.  Around  the  border  are  the  words,  "  The 
Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Ohio,"  with  the  date,  1802. 

On  a  white  or  silver  circular  field  is 
represented  a  pelican,  standing  by  her  nest 
filled  with  young  ones,  in  the  attitude  of 
"  protection  and  defence,"  and  in  the  act 
of  feeding  them — all  sharing  alike  her 
maternal  assiduity.  The  mother-bird 
symbolizes  the  general  government  of  the 
Union  ;  while  tlie  birds  in  the  nest  repi-e- 
sent  the  several  States.  Above  are  the 
scales  of  Justice,  which,  taken  in  con- 
nection with  the  emblems  beneath,  sig- 
nify that  "  equal  and  exact  justice"  must 
be  extended  to  all  the  members  of  the 
confederacy.  The  semi-circle  of  eighteen 
stars  indicates  the  number  of  States  at 
the  time  of  admission.  In  the  upper  portion  of  the  external  circle  are 
the  words,  '•  State  of  Louisiana,"  and  in  the  lower,  the  words.  "  Union 
and  Confidence."  (98) 


ADMITTED  IMTO   THK  UNIOK,  ISOi 


LOUISIANA. 


ADMITTED  I.XTO  TUE    UNION,  1812. 


INDIANA.  In  the  lower  portion  of  a  circular  field 

is  represented  a  scene  of  prairie  and  wood- 
land, with  the  surface  gentl}'  undulating 
— descriptive  of  the  predominant  features 
of  the  State.  In  the  foreground  is  a  buf- 
falo, an  animal  once  abounding  in  great 
numbers  in  this  region,  apparently  star- 
tled by  the  axe  of  the  woodman  or  pio- 
neer, who  is  seen  (.n  the  left,  felling  the 
ti'ees  of  the  forest,  denotinir  the  march  of 
civilization  westward.  In  the  distance, 
on  the  right,  is  seen  the  sun,  just  appear- 
ing above  the  verge  of  the  horizon.     In  a 

ADMITTED  ISTO  THE  u.NioN,  IS16.     lialf-clrcle,  Spanning  the  expressive  scene 

beneath,  are  the  words    "  Indiana  State 

Seal."     Around  the  outer  margin  of  the  whole  is  a  plain  green  border, 

•urrounded  by  a  simple  black  line. 

MISSISSIPPI.  In  the  centre  of  a  white  or  silver  circu- 

lar field  is  the  American  eagle,  with  wide- 
spread wings,  occupying  the  entire  sur- 
face ;  which  may  be  considered  as  deno- 
ting that  all  the  people  of  the  Stiite,  from 
whatever  clime  or  country  they  may  have 
come,  are  purely  American  in  feeling, 
and  are  content  to  repose  their  trust  under 
the  broad  wings  of  the  "bird  of  liberty." 
In  the  right  talon  of  the  eagle  is  a  bundle 
of  four  arrows,  significant  of  power  to  sus- 
tain the  principles  of  government,  and  to 
repel  the  assaults  of  an  enemy  ;  while  au 
olive  branch  in  the  left  betokens  a  dispo- 
sition to  maintain   peace.      Around   the 

outer  circle,  between  parallel  lines,  are  the  words,  in  Roman  capitals, 

«  The  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Mississippi." 

In  the  centre  of  a  white  or  silver  es- 
cutcheon is  a  representation  of  the  Ameri- 
can eagle,  its  wings  spread  so  as  to  touch 
the  inner  margin  of  the  shield.  In  ita 
right  talon  is  the  emblem  of  peace,  an 
olive  branch ;  while  three  arrows  are 
grasped  in  the  left,  denoting  its  readiness 
to  sustain  the  three  great  branches  of 
government.  On  its  breast  is  an  escutch- 
eon, the  lower  half  of  which  is  represented 
of  a  red  color,  and  the  upper  half  blue, 
the  latter  bearing  three  white  or  silver 
stars.  From  its  beak  extends  a  label, 
waving  in  the  air  above  it,  with  the  in- 
scription "  State  Sovereignty  :  National 
In  the  upper  part  of  a  circle  enclosing  the  shield  are  Hie 

words.  "  Seal  of  the  State  of  Illinois,"  and  in  the  lower  part  the  date, 

"  Aug't  26,  1818."  (99) 


ADMITTED  INTO  THE  CKION.  1817. 


ILLINOIS. 


ADMITTED  INTO  THE  UKION,  1818 

Union." 


Nearly  tlie  entire  of  a  circular  field  is 
occupied  with  the  representation  of  a  map, 
embracing  the  names  and  localities  of  the 
principal  rivers  and  towns,  as  they  ex- 
isted at  the  time  when  the  territorial  gov- 
ernment was  established,  1817,  A  por- 
tion of  East  Florida,  embracing  the  line 
of  surface  as  far  as  PensacoL),  is  included 
in  the  map,  as  also  a  small  portion  of 
Tennessee,  suiSeient  to  show  the  bound- 
aries on  either  side.  Around  the  circle, 
between  two  parallel  lines,  are  the  words, 
in  Roman  capitals,  "  Alabama.  Execu- 
tive office." 


ALABAMA. 


ADMITTED  INTO  THE    UNION,  1819. 


A  white    or  silver  shield,  on  which  is  maink. 

represented  a  pine-tree,  with  a  moose-deer 
recumbent  at  its  base — emblematical  of 
the  valuable  timber  of  the  State,  and  of 
the  security  and  repose  enjoyed  by  the 
animals  which  range  its  immense  forests. 
The  "  supporters"  are  a  mariner  resting 
on  his  anchor,  and  a  husbandman  with 
his  scythe — denoting  that  commerce  and 
agriculture  are  each  primary  i-esources  of 
the  State.  Above  the  shield  is  the  North 
Star,  beneath  which  is  the  motto,  Dirigo 
— "  I  direct ;"  and  under  the  shield  is  the 
name  of  the  State,  in  Roman  capitals ; 
while  sea  and  land  compose  the  fore- 
ground. On  the  left,  the  tall  masts  of  a  ship  are  perceptible  in  the  dis- 
tance, the  sails  spread,  denoting  a  readiness  for  commercial  enterprise. 


ADIIITTED  INTO  THE  UNION,  1820. 


On  a  circular  shield,  equally  divided  by  Missouri. 

a  perpendicular  line,  is  a  red  field  on  the 
right  side,  in  which  is  the  white  or  griz- 
zly bear  of  Missouri.  Above,  separated 
by  a  wavy  or  curved  line,  is  a  white  or 
silver  crescent,  in  an  azure  field.  On  the 
left,  on  a  white  field,  are  the  arms  of  the 
United  States.  A  band  surrounds  the 
escutcheon,  on  which  are  the  words, 
"  United  we  stand,  divided  we  fall." 
For  the  crest,  over  a  yellow  or  golden 
helmet,  full  faced  and  grated  with  six 
bars,  is' a  silver  star;  and  above  it,  a 
constellation  of  twenty-three  smaller 
stars.  The  supporters  are  two  grizzly 
bears,  standing  on  a  scroll  inscribed,  Sahis  populi  su-prema  lex  estn — "  The 
public  safety  is  the  supreme  law."  Underneath  are  the  numerals 
MDCCCXX.,  and  around  the  circle  the  words,  "  The  Great  Seal  of  the 
State  of  Missouri."  (100) 


ADMITTED    INTO  THE  UNION,  1821. 


ADMITTED    INTO  TUE  CNICN,  1836. 


Micin;;.\N. 


ARKANSAS.  Occupying  the  lower  p.irt  of  a  circle  is 

a  shield,  near  the  base  of  which  is  a  white 
star  oa  a  bluetield,  represenliiig  the  State. 
Ill  the  middle  portiou  is  a  bee-hive,  signi- 
I'ving  industry,  and  a  plough,  denoting 
agriculture  ;  while  a  steamboat,  emblem- 
atic of  commerce,  tills  the  upper  part. 
For  the  crest,  the  goddess  of  liberty  is 
represented  with  her  wand  and  cap  in  one 
hand,  and  a  wreath  of  laurel  in  the  other, 
enrrounded  by  a  constellation  of  stars, 
indicating  the  States.  The  supporters 
two  eagks,  one  grasping  a  bundle  of  ar- 
rows, and  the  other  an  olive  branch ;  a 
label  extending  from  the  claw  of  each, 
with  the  motto  Regnant  Populi — "  The  Peopl.-  rule."  On  either  side, 
of  the  base  is  a  cornucopia,  and  around  the  circle  which  encloses  the 
the  whole  are  the  words,  "Seal  of  the  State  of  Arkansas." 

On  an  escutcheon  in  the  centre  of  a 
white  field  is  the  representation  of  a  pen- 
insula extending  into  a  lake,  a  man  with 
his  gun,  and  the  rising  sun.  On  the  up- 
per part  is  the  word  Tuebor — "  I  will  de- 
fend it ;"  and  on  a  label  extending  across 
the  lower  part  is  the  motto.  Si  quarris 
pcninsulam  amcenam  circumspicc — "  If  you 
e^eek  a  delightful  country  (peninsula),  be- 
hold it."  The  supporters  are  a  common 
deer  on  the  right,  and  a  moose  on  the 
left,  both  abounding  in  the  forests  of 
Michigan.  For  the  crest,  is  the  American 
eagle  ;  above  which,  on  a  label  waving 
above  all,  is  the  motto,  E  Pluribus  Unum. 
Around  the  outer  circle,  between  two  parallel  lines,  are  the  words, 
«'  The  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Michigan,  A.  D.  MDCCOXXXVn." 

The  seal  which  was  originally  used  for 
the  territory  of  Florida,  although  not 
formally  adopted  as  that  of  the  State,  has 
Ijeen  continued  ever  since,  and  of  course 
retains  aU  its  legal  force.  In  the  centre 
of  a  circular  white  or  silver  field  is  repre- 
sented the  American  eagle,  "the  bird  of 
liberty,"  grasping  the  emblem  of  peace, 
an  olive  branch,  in  its  left  talon  ;  and  in 
its  right  a  bundle  of  three  arrows,  signifi- 
cant of  the  three  principal  reliances  of 
good  government — the  executive,  the  le- 
gislative, and  the  judicial.  Above  are 
arranged  in  a  semi-circle  thirteen  stars, 
emblematic  of  the  thirteen  origmal  states, 
and  bcK)w,  th,;  ground  is  represented  as  covered  with  the  prickly  pear, 
a  fruit  coinm  >ii  to  the  country,  and  for  which  an  appropriate  motto 
would  be,  ■'  L- 1  us  live."  (101) 


ADMITTED    INTO  THE   PNIOX.  1837. 


Fr..>KiT).\. 


A.'.MITTED  INTO  THE  UNION,    184-5. 


TJiXAS 


ADMITTKD  ISTO  THE  UNION,  1845. 


IOWA. 


Texas  is  the  ouly  State  which  enjoyed  » 
literally  independent  or  isolated  existence 

£revio{i8  to  its  admission  into  the  Union, 
uring  its  struggle  with  Mexico,  it  adopt- 
ed as  an  official  seal  a  white  or  silver  star 

of  five  points  on  an  azure  field,  encircled 

by  branches  of  the  live   oak  and   olive. 

Around  the  outer  circle  -were  the  words, 

"  Repubhe  of  Texas"  in  Roman  capital 

letters.     "With. the  exception  of  the  words 

around  the  margin,  which  is  now  blank, 

except  the  word  "Texas"  in  the  upper 

h.ilf-circle,  the  former  seal  has  been  adopt- 
ed since  by  the  State.    The  hve  oak  {quer- 

cus  virens),  which  abounds  in  the  forests 

of  Texas,  is  a  strong  and  durable  timber,  much  used  in  ship-building, 

and  forming  an  important  article  of  export. 
Like  some  of  the  other  States  -which 

enjoyed  a  territorial  existence  for  a  length 

of  time  before  they  were  invested  with  the 

dignity  of  States,  Iowa  still   retains   her 

original  seal,  the  device  of  which  is  per- 
haps  more   simple   and  expressive   than 

that  of  any  other  State.     In  the  centre  of 

a  white  or  silver  circular  field  is  an  eagle 

in  the  attitude  of  flight,  grasping  in   liis 

right  talon  a  bow,  its  left  talon  just  visible 

■within  the  inner  circle  around  the  field, 

and  holding  in  its  beak  a  single  arrow. 

The  words,   "  Seal   of  the   Territory   of 

Iowa,""  form    nearly   a   complete    circle 

around  the  field,  leaving  a  blank  space  at 

the  lower  part,  and  these  again  are  surrounded  by  white  circular  dots, 

on  a  black  ground. 

A  large  portion  of  the  field  is  occupied 

by  land  and  water  scenery,  denoting  the 

agricultural,  commercial,  and  mining  in- 
terests of  the  State.  In  the  foreground  is 
a  man  ploughing  with  a  span  of  horses  ; 
in  the  middle  is  a  pile  of  lead  in  bars,  a 
barrel,  a  rake,  a  sheaf  of  wheat,  an  an- 
chor, and  a  cornucopia.  Lakes  Michigan 
and  Superior  are  represented,  with  a  sloop 
on  the  former,  and  a  steamboat  on  the 
latter,  towards  which  an  Indian  on  the 
shore  is  pointing.  In  the  distance  is  a 
level  pruirie,  skirted  by  a  range  of  wood- 
land— a  light-house  and  school-house  on 
the  left,  and  the  State-house  in  the  centre,  admitted  into  the  union,  1847. 
In  a  semi-circle  above  are  the  words,  CiviliCas  succcssit  Barbarum — 
"  Civilization  has  succeeded  Barbarism."  At  the  bottom  'is  the  date 
when  a  territorial  government  was  formed,  "  Fourth  of  July,  1836  ;" 
and  around  the  whole  are  the  words  "  The  Great  Seal  of  the  Territory  of 
Wisconsin  which  has  not  yet  been  changed.  (102) 


admitted  into  the  union,  1846. 


WISCONSIN. 


CALIFORNIA. 


lu  the  luregrouud  Oil  the  Ic-ft,  Miucrva 
is  seated  on  a  rock,  near  the  liaiik  of  an 
extensive  bay  or  river,  wliich  winds  its 
course  among  the  majestic  mountains  on 
either  side.  Her  spear  is  grasped  in  the 
right  hand,  while  the  left  rests  on  the  top 
of  her  shield  by  her  side,  near  which  is  a 
grizzly  bear,  significant  of  the  snwy  re- 
gion round  about.  On  the  right  is  a  hardy 
miner  with  his  pick,  seeking  the  golden 
ti-easures  secreted  among  the  rocks. 
Along  the  centre  is  seen  a  majestic  bay, 
with  two  clippers  in  full  view,  indi- 
cating that  commerce  is  one  of  the  chief 
iDMiTTKD  isTo  THE  UNION,  1850.  rcliances  of  the  people  Above  the  snow- 
covered  mountains,  which  bound  the  view,  is  the  Greek  trord  Eureka — 
"  I  have  found." 

MiNNKSOTA.  The  Seal  of  this  State   represents   the 

peculiar  circumstances  under  which  it 
was  originally  settled,  when  the  ■white 
man  first  undertook  to  convert  its  com- 
parative deserts  into  productive  agricul- 
tural fields.  In  the  distance,  an  Indian  is 
seen  mounted  on  a  swift  steed,  retreating 
from  the  haunts  where  he  had  long  beev 
accustomed  to  enjoy  unmolested  the 
sports  of  the  chase,  and  to  roam  unin- 
terruptedly amidst  his  native  forests.  In 
the  foreground  is  seen  the  new  setiler, 
preparing  for  his  future  subsistence  by 
turning  up  the  furrow,  preparatoiy  to 
sowing  seed  for  the  harvest.  His  gun 
and  ammunition  are  lying  behind  him.  ready  to  repel  the  assaults  of 
savage  foes,  to  which  he  is  constantly  exposed.  The  motto,  L'Etoile  du 
Nord,  (the  Star  of  the  North,)  is  expressive  of  the  bright  future  which 
this  State  is  destined  to  realize. 

OREGON.  The  emblems  on  the  shield  in  the  centre 

of  the  circular  ground,  are  indicative  of 
the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  wild 
and  mountainous  country,  through  the 
medium  of  commerce,  which  are  symbol- 
ized by  the  range  of  mountains  depicted 
in  the  lower,  and  by  the  ship  occupying 
the  upper  portion  of  the  escutcheon.  The 
right  supporter  is  a  representative  of  that 
unfortunate  race  who  once  entirely  pos- 
sessed the  country,  but  who  have  been 
compelled  to  yield  their  heritage  in  part 
to  the  power  of  that  enterprising  people 
whose  emblem  is  the  eagle,  here  used  as 
the  left  supporter.     The  crest,  a  beaver, 

denotes  the  sort  of  trade  which  formerly  aistinguished  the  inhabitants 

of  this  region.  (103) 


ADMITT£0  ISTO  THE  USION,  1857. 


ADMITTED  ISTO  THE    CNIOS,  1858. 


The  simple  device  adopted  for  this  ter-  utah. 

ritory  is  sufficiently  expressive,  and  re- 
quires no  lengthened  explanation  of  what 
it  is  intended  to  symbolize.  The  bee- 
hive,  in  all  ages,  has  been  regarded  as  the 
emblem  of  industry,  and  tlie  position  in 
which  it  is  here  represented,  as  resting  on 
a  substantial  foundation,  implies  that  it 
is  the  certain  harbinger  of  success  in  every 
important  undertaking.  The  representa- 
tions of  vegetation  in  the  background, 
imply  that  these  productions  of  the  soil 
are  to  be  obtained  by  well-appUed  skill 
and  industry,  and  upon  these  are  the  peo- 
ple to  rely  for  a  prosperous  future.  Perhaps,  if  we  take  into  consider- 
ation the  social  condition  of  the  original  settlers  of  this  territory,  the 
bee-hive  may  be  regarded  as  significant  of  the  upity  of  interests  at  that 
iiime  predominant.  The  dates  at  the  top  and  bottom  indicate  the  first 
formation  of  a  territorial  government. 

This  seal   displays   the   characteristics  nebeaska. 

of  the  settlers  who  have  adopted  this  ter- 
ritory as  their  future  home.  Representa- 
tives of  the  two  principal  classes  of  people 
(agricultural  and  mechanical)  are  seen 
in  the  act  of  upholding  the  Constitution, 
over  which  the  American  flag  is  gathered, 
in  token  of  its  care  and  protection.  The 
steamboat,  seen  in  the  distance  on  the 
right,- indicates  that  the  State  possesses 
many  resources  for  extensive  commerce, 
which  may  be  materially  aided  by  rail- 
roads and  other  internal  improvements, 
■which  are  shadowed  out  on  the  left  The 
plow  and  the  anvil  are  emblems  of  the  immense  agricultural  and 
mineral  advantages  which  abound  in  every  direction,  and  whose  devel- 
opement  is  certain  to  secure  for  this  territory  an  eminent  degree  ot 
wealth  and  prosperity.  The  motto,  "  Popular  So  fereignty,"  expresses 
the  will  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves,  and  is  only  the  embodimeat 
of  a  sentiment  almost  universally  prevalent. 

104 


CABINET   OFFICERS. 


105 


CABINET  OFFICERS, 

FBOM  THE  ORIGINAL  ORGANIZATION'  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT, 
APRIL  30,  1789,  TO  MARCH  4,  1857. 


When  appointed. 

Sept.  26,  1789 . . 
Jan.     2,1794... 
Dec.   10,1795.., 
May  13,  1800. . 
March  5,  1801.. 
March  6,  1809.. 
April   2.1811... 
Feb.  28,1815.. 
March5,  18L7.. 
March  7,  1825.. 
March  6,1829.. 
May  24.1831.. 
May  29,1833... 
Juiie  27,  1834... 
March  5,  1841 .  . 
July   24,1843... 
March  6,  1844.., 
March  5,  1845.. 
March  7,1849.. 
July  20,  1850.. 
Dec.     9,1852.. 
M^arch  5,  1853. . 
March  6,  1857 . . 


8BCBETABIES   OF   STATB. 

Nanus.  States. 

.Thomas  Jefferson Virginia. 

.  Edmund  Randolph Virginia. 

.  Timothy  Pickering Massachusetts. 

.John  Marshall Virginia. 

.James  Madison Virginia. 

.  Robert  Smith Maryland. 

.  James  Monroe Virginia. 

Do.  Virginia. 

.John  Quincy  Adams Massachusetts, 

.  Henry  Clay Kentucky. 

.  Martin  Van  Buren New  York. 

.Edward  Livingston Louisiana. 

.  Louis  McLane Delaware. 

.  John  Forsyth Georgia. 

.Daniel  Webster Massachusetts. 

.Abel  P.  Upshur Virginia. 

.John  C.  Calhoun South  Cai'olina 

.James  Buchanan Pennsylvania. 

.  John  M.  Clayton Delaware. 

.  Daniel  Webster Massachusetts. 

.  Edward  Everett Massachusetts. 

.William  L.  Marcy New  York. 

.  Lewis  Cass Michigan. 


Sept.  11, 

1789 

Feb.     3, 

1795 

Dec.   31, 

1800 

May   14, 

1801 

Feb      9, 

1814 

Oct.      6, 

1814 

Oct.    22, 

1816 

March  7, 

1825 

March  G, 

1829 

SECRETARIES  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

.Alexander   Hamilton New  York. 

.  Oliver  Wolcott Connecticut. 

.  Samuel  Dexter Massachusetts. 

.  Albert  Gallatin Pennsylvania. 

.George  W.  Campbell Tennessee. 

.Alexander  J.  Dallas Pennsylvania. 

.William  H.  Crawford Georgia. 

.  Richard  Rush Pennsylvania. 

.  Samuel  D.  Ingham Pennsylvania. 


106 


CABINET  OFFICERS. 


SECRETARIES    OF    THE   TREASURY CONTINUED. 

When  appointed.  Name*.  Staia 

Aug.    8,  1831 Louis  McLane Delaware. 

May   29,  1833 William  J.  Duane Pennsylvania. 

Sept.  23,  1833 Roger  B.  Taney Maryland. 

June  27,  1834 Levi  Woodbury N.  Hampshin 

March  5,  1 841 Thomas  Ewing Ohio. 

Sept.  13, 1841 AValter  Forward Pennsylvania. 

March  3,.  1843 John  C.  Spencer New  York. 

June  15,  1844 George  M.  Bibb Kentucky. 

jVIarch  5,  1845 Robert  J.  Walker Mississippi. 

Jklarch  7,  1849 William  M.  Meredith Pennsylvania. 

June  20,  1850 Thomas  Corwin Ohio. 

March  5,  1853 James   Guthrie Kentucky. 

March  6,  1857 Howell  Cobb Georgia. 


Sept.  12, 


2, 
27. 

7, 
13, 

3, 


Jan 

Jan. 

May 

May 
Feb. 
March  5, 
March  7, 
Jan.  13, 
Sept.  27, 
March  3, 
April  7, 
March  5. 
Oct.  8, 
March  7, 
May  26, 
March  9, 
Aug.  1, 
March  3, 
March  7, 
jVlarch  5, 
Sept.  18, 
Oct.  12, 
March  8, 
Feb.  15, 
March  5, 
March  7, 


SECRETARIES   OF  WAR. 

1789 ....  Henry  Knox Massachusetts. 

1795 .. .  .Timothy  Pickering Massachusetts. 

1796. . .  .John  McHenry Maryland. 

1800. . .  .John  Marshall Virginia. 

1800 Samuel  Dexter Massachusetts. 

1801 Roger  Griswold Connecticut. 

1801 ... .  Henry  Dearborn Massachusetts 

1809. . .  .William  Eustis Massachusetts. 

1813 John  Armstrong New  York. 

1814. . .  .James   Monroe Virginia. 

1815 William  H.  Crawford Georgia. 

1817 ....  George  Graham Virginia. 

1817 Isaac  Shelby Kentucky. 

1817 John   C.  Calhoun South  Carolina 

1825. . .  .James  Barbour Virginia. 

1828 Peter  B  Porter Pennsylvania. 

1829 John  H.  Eaton Tennessee. 

1831 . . .  .Lewis  Cass Ohio. 

1837 Benjamin  F.  Butler New  York. 

1837 Joel  R.  Poinsett South  Carolina 

1841 John   Bell Tennessee. 

1841 John  McLean Ohio. 

1841 John  C.  Spencer New  York. 

1843 James  M.  Porter Pennsylvania. 

1844 William  Wilkins Pennsylvani*. 

1845 William  L.  Marcy New  York. 

1 849 George  AV.  Crawtbr<? Georgia. 


CABINET  OFFICERS. 


107 


WTicn  appointed. 

July  20,1850. 
Aug.  15,1850. 
March  5,  1853. 
Mai-ch6,  1857. 


8ECBKTAEIES   OF    WAR — CONTINUED. 

Ifames.  States. 

. . .  E.   Bates Missouri. 

. , .  Charles  M.  Conrad Louisiana. 

. .  .Jefferson  Davis Mississippi. 

. .  .John  B.  Floyd Virginia. 


SECRETARIES  OF  THE  NAVY. 

May     3,  1798 George    Cabot Massachusetts. 

May   21,  1798 Benjamin  Stoddert Maryland. 

July  15,  1801 Robert  Smith Maryland. 

March  2,  1805 Jacob  Orowninshield Massachusetts. 

March  7,  1809 Paul  Hamilton South  Carolina, 

Jan.    12,  1813 William   Jones Pennsylvania. 

Dec.  17,  1814 Benjamin  W.  Crowninshield Massachusetts. 

Nov.    9,1818 Smith  Thompson New  York. 

Sept.    1 ,  1823 ....  John  Rodgers Massachusetts. 

Sept.  16,  182^3 Samuel  L.  Southard New  Jersey. 

March"9,  1829 John  Branch , North  Carolina. 

iVIay   23,  1831 Levi  Woodbury N.  Hampshire. 

June  30,  1834 Mahlon   Dickerson , New  Jersey. 

June  20,  1838 James  K.  Paulding New  York. 

March  5,  1841 George  E.  Badger North  Carolina. 

Sept.  13,  1841 Abel  P.  Upshur Virginia. 

Julv   24, 1843 ....  David  Henshaw Massachusetts. 

Feb.  15,  1844 Thomas  W.  Gilmer Virginia. 

Mar.  14,  1844 James  Y.  Mason Virginia. 

Mar.  10,  1845 George  Bancroft Massachusetts. 

Sept.    9,  1846 John   Y.  Mason Virginia. 

March  7,  1849 William  B.  Preston Virginia. 

July   20, 1850 William  A.  Graham North  Carolina. 

July   22,  1852 John  P.  Kennedy Maryland. 

March  5,  1853 James  0.  Dobbin North  Carolina. 

March  6, 1857 Isaac   Toucey Connecticut. 


March  7,1849. 
July  20,  1850. 
Aug.  15,  1850. 
Sept.  12,1850. 
March  5,  1853. 
March  0,1857. 


SECRETARIES   OF  THE  INTERIOR. 

.Thomas  Ewing Ohio. 

.James  A.  Pearce Maryland. 

.T.  M.  T.  McKennan Pennsylvania. 

.Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart Virginia. 

.  Robert  McClelland Michigan. 

. Jacol)  Thompson Mississippi. 


108 


CABINET  OFFICERS. 


WJien  appointed. 
Sept.  26,  1789. 
Aug.  12,  1791. 
Fob.  25,  1795. 
Xov.  28,  1801 . 
Mar.  17,  1814. 
June  26, 1823. 
.Uarch9.  1829. 
May  1,1835. 
May  18,  1840. 
March  6.  1841 . 
Sept.  13  1841 . 
March  5,  1845. 
March  7,  1849. 
July  20,  1850. 
Aug.  31,1852. 
March  5,  1853. 
March  6,  1857. 


Sept.  26, 
■Jan.  27, 
Dec.  10, 
Feb.  20, 
March  5, 
March  2, 
Dec.  23, 
Jan.  20, 
Dec.  11, 
Feb.  10. 
Nov.  13, 
March  9, 
July  20, 
Nov.  15, 
July  7, 
Jan.  10, 
March  §, 
Sept.  13, 
July  1, 
March  5, 
Oct.  17. 
Juno  21. 
y.^rcb  7, 
'•••)v  20, 
'"•Tch  5, 
'•    rcli  6, 


1789. 

1794. 

1795. 

1801. 

1801. 

1805. 

1805. 

1807. 

1811. 

1814. 

1817. 

1829. 

1831. 

1833. 

1838. 

1840. 

1841. 

1841. 

1843. 

1845. 

184G 

1848. 

1849. 

1850. 

1853. 

1857. 


POSTMASTEHS    OENEKAI,. 

JVameg.  States. 

.Samuel  Osgood MasiachusatU 

.Timothy   Pickering Massachusetts 

.Joseph    Habersham Georgia. 

.  Gideon  Granger Connecticut. 

.  Return  J.  Meigs Ohio 

.  John  McLean Ohio. 

.William  T.  Barry Kentucky. 

.  Amos   Kendall Kentucky. 

.John   M.  Niles Connecticut. 

.Francis  Granger New  York. 

.  Charles  A,  Wickliffe Kentucky. 

.  Cave  Johnson Tennessee. 

.Jacob  Collamer Yermont. 

.  Nathan  K.  Hall New  Yor^. 

.  Samuel   D,  Hubbard Connecticut. 

.James  Campbell Pennsylvania. 

.Aaron  Y.  Brown Tennessee. 

ATTORNEl'    GENERALS. 

.Edmund  Randolph , Yirginia. 

.William  Bradford Pennsylvania. 

.  Charles  Lee Yirginia. 

.Theophilus  Parsons Massachusetts 

.Levi  Lincoln Massachusetts 

.  Robert  Smith . .  .  ^ Maryland. 

.John  Breckenridge Kentucky. 

.  Caesar  A.  Rodney .  Pennsylvania. 

.William  Pinkuey Maryland. 

.Richard  Rush Pennsylvania. 

.William  Wirt Virginia. 

.John    McPherson  Berrien Georgia. 

.Roger  B.  Taney Maryland. 

.Beujamiu  F.  Butler New  York. 

.Felix  Grundy Tennessee. 

.  Heni-y  D.  Gilpin Pennsylvania. 

.John  J.  Crittenden .Kentucky. 

.  Hugh  S.  Legare South  Carolina 

.John  Nelson Maryland. 

.John  Y.  Mason Yirginia. 

.Nathan   Clifford Maine. 

.Isaac    Toucey Connecticut. 

.Raverdy  Johnson Maryland. 

.John  J.  Crittenden Kentucky. 

.  Cpoleb   Cashing Massachusetta 

.Jeremiah  S.  Black Pennsylvania, 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 


109 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON, 

THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

The  most  exemplary  character,  perhaps,  that  ever  adorned  any  era 
in  history,  and  who  received  in  liis  life-time  the  noble  appellations  of 
"  the  Founder  of  a  Republic,"  and  "  the  Father  of  his  Country,"  was 
born  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  Virginia,  on  the  22d  day  of 
February,  1732.  His  early  instruction  was  domestic  and  scanty,  bui 
full  of  good  discipline  and  sound  princi])Ics;  and  as  his  father  dii  d 
when  he  was  only  ten  years  old,  he  had  no  sul)scqn('nt  opportunities 
for  aocjuiring  a  thorough  literary  or  scientific  education.  However 
as  his  mind  was  nata-ally  mathematical  and  philosophical,  he  prepared 
himsflf  to  be  useful  to  his  fellow-citizens  as  a  civil  engineer  ;  and 
as  the  country  was  wild,  atid  much  of  it  then  unsurveyed,  he  occasion 
ally  found  agreeable  and  profitnble  employment  in  surveying  differenl 


110  GEORGE    WASHINGTOS. 

parts  of  bis  native  state.  He  also  directed  much  of  his  attentiot 
to  the  science  of  arms,  in  the  use  of  which  every  young  man  waa 
instructed,  in  order  to  repel  the  incursions  of  the  Indians,  who  were 
often  led  on  by  skillful  Frenchmen.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he 
was  appointed  one  of  the  adjutant-generals  of  Virginia,  which  gave 
him  the  rank  of  major,  and  soon  after  he  was  advanced  to  a  colonelcy 
and  sent  by  Gov.  Dinwiddle  to  the  Ohio  with  despatches  to  the  French 
commander,  who  was  erecting  fortifications  from  Canada  to  New 
Orleans,  in  violation  of  existing  treaties.  The  Governor  was  so  much 
pleased  with  the  faithful  discharge  of  this  duty,  that  he  ordered  hia 
journal,  which  extended  to  only  eighty  days,  to  be  printed  ;  but,  small 
as  it  was,  it  afforded  evidence  of  great  sagacity,  fortitude,  and  a  sound 
judgment,  and  firmly  laid  the  foundation  of  his  future  fame. 

In  the  spring  of  1755,  Washington  was  persuaded  to  accompany 
General  Braddock  as  an  aid,  with  the  rank  of  colonel,  in  his  disastrous 
expedition  against  Fort  Du  Quesne ;  and  had  his  advice  been  fol- 
lowed on  that  occasion,  the  result  would  have  been  very  different. 

Three  years  afterwards  (1758)  Washington  commanded  the  Yir- 
ginians  in  another  expedition  against  the  fort,  which  terminated  suc- 
cessfully. At  the  close  of  this  campaign  he  left  the  army,  and  was 
soon  after  married  to  Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  (the  widow  of  Col.  Daniel 
Parke  Custis,)  whose  maiden  name  was  Dandridge,  and  whose  intelli- 
gent and  patriotic  conduct,  as  wife  and  widow,  will  ever  be  gratefully 
remembered  in  American  annals. 

In  1759  he  was  elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  continued 
to  be  returned  to  that  body,  with  the  exception  of  occasional  intervals, 
until  1774,  when  he  was  sent  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  Continental 
Congress.  His  well-tempered  zeal  and  his  military  skill,  which 
enabled  him  tc  suggest  the  most  proper  means  for  national  defence,  if 
the  country  were  urged  to  extremities,  soon  fixed  all  eyes  upon  him,  as 
one  well  qualified  to  direct  in  the  hour  of  peril ;  and  accordingly,  after 
the  first  scene  of  the  revolutionary  drama  was  opened  at  Lexington 
and  Concord,  and  an  army  had  concentrated  at  Cambridge,  he  was, 
on  the  15th  of  June,  1775,  unanimously  appointed  commander-in-chief 
of  the  American  forces.  The  self-sacrificing  spirit  which  governed  his 
future  course  is  too  well  known  to  require  any  elucidation. 

After  bringing  the  war  to  a  successful  termination,  he  hastened 
to  Annapolis,  where  Congress  were  then  in  session,  and  on  the  23d  of 
December,  1783,  formally  resigned  his  commission. 

In  May,  1787,  he  was  elected  to  the  Convention  which  met  at 
Philadelphia  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  Constitution,  and  was  at 
once  called  upon  to  preside  over  its  deliberations.  After  that  admira- 
ble instrument  was  adopted  by  the  people,  he  was  unanimously 
elected  the  first  President  of  the  United  States  for  four  years  ;  at  the 
expiration  of  which,  he  was  unanimously  re-elected  for  a  second  term. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  1799,  he  was  seized  vdth  an  inflam- 
mation in  the  throat,  which  grew  worse  the  next  day,  and  terminated 
fais  life  on  the  14  th,  in  the  68f]i  year  of  his  age. 


JOHN  Auwia 


111 


JOHN     ADAMS, 

THE    SECOND    PRESIPEKT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 

And  whose  fame  as  a  patriot  and  statesman  is  imperishable,  was 
born  at  Braintree,  Mass.,  October  19,  1735.  He  early  displayed 
superior  capacity  for  learning,  and  graduated  at  Cambridge  college 
•»"ili  p-ipjit  (•vi<(]it.     After  qualifying  himself  for  the  legal  profession, 


112  JOHN    ADAMS. 

he  was  adiiiitted  t(ij)raCLic.iia  176L,  antl  soon  attalne;]  that  distiuctioD 
to  wiiich  his  talents  were  entitled.  From  llie  commencement  of  the 
troubles  with  Great  Britain,  in  17G1),  lie  was  among  the  most  active 
in  securing  the  ircedoni  of  his  countrj^  Being  elected  to  the  first  Con- 
tinental Congress,  he  took  a  i^rominent  part  in  all  the  war  measures 
that  were  then  originated  ;  and  subsequently  suggested  the  appoin'd 
ment  of  Washington  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  He  was 
one  of  the  committee  which  reported  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  1776,  and  the  next  year  visited  France  ;is  commissioner  to  form 
a  treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  with  that  country.  Although  the 
object  had  been  accomplished  before  his  arrival,  his  visit  had  other- 
wise a  favorable  effect  on  the  existing  position  of  affairs  ;  and  he  was 
afterwards  appointed  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, which,  after  many  laborious  and  fruitless  efforts,  was  finally 
accomplished  in  1783.  In  1785,  he  was  sent  to  England  as  the  first 
minister  fi-om  this  country,  and  on  his  return  was  elected  first  Vice- 
President,  in  which  office  he  served  two  terms,  and  was  then,  in  1797, 
elected  to  succeed  Washington  as  President.  Many  occurrences 
tended  to  embarrass  his  administration,  and  to  render  it  unpopular ; 
but  it  is  now  generally  admitted  to  have  been  chai'acterized  by  patriot- 
ism and  vigor  equal  to  the  emergencies  which  then  existed.  His  poli- 
tical opponents,  however,  managed  to  defeat  his  re-election,  and  he  waa 
succeeded  in  the  presidency  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  1801 ;  after  which, 
he  retired  to  his  farm  at  Quiney,  where  his  declining  years  were  passed 
in  the  gratification  of  his  unabated  love  for  reading  and  contemplation, 
and  where  he  was  constantly  cheered  by  an  interesting  circle  of  friend- 
ship and  affection.  The  semi-centennial  anniversary  of  American  Inde- 
pendence (July  4,  1826,)  was  remarkable,  not  merely  for  the  event 
which  it  commemorated,  but  for  the  decease  of  two  of  the  most  active 
participants  in  the  measures  by  which  independence  was  achieved. 
On  that  day,  Adams  and  Jefferson  were  both  gathered  to  their  fathers, 
within  about  four  hours  of  each  other,  "  cheered  by  the  benediction  of 
their  country,  to  whom  they  left  the  inheritance  of  their  fame,  and  the 
memory  of  their  bright  example." 

As  has  been  noticed  elsewhere,  Mr.  Adams  deemed  it  prudent,  in 
the  early  part  of  his  administration,  when  impending  difficulties  with 
France  seemed  to  render  war  inevitable,  to  offer  Washington  the  com- 
nission  of  lieutenojit-geueral  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  army, 
vliich  he  accepted  as  a  matter  of  duty,  and  held  until  his  death,  buf 
nvjrtutately  never  found  it  necessary  to  take  the  field. 


THOMAa    JEFFKR30N, 


113 


i'  /   ! 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON, 

THE    THIRD    PBEBIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 

Was  born  at  ShadweH,  Albemarle  county,  Va.,  (near  Monticello,  the 
seat  where  he  died,)  April  13, 1743.  He  was  educated  at  William  and 
Mary's  college,  and  graduated  with  distinction  when  quite  young.  He 
was  a  great  lover  of  learning,  and  particularly  of  natural  philosophy. 
With  the  celebrated  George  Wythe,  he  commenced  the  study  of  the  law, 
and  became  a  favorite  pupil.  Mr.  JefiFerson  was  never  distinguished  aa 
an  advocate,  but  was  considered  a  good  lawyer.    Soon  after  he  came  to 


114  THOMAS    JEFFERSOK. 

the  bar,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  a. 
that  body  was  duly  appreciated  for  his  learning  and  aptitude  for  business^ 
He  at  once  took  fire  at  British  oppression ;  and  in  1774,  he  employed  hia 
pen  in  discussing  the  whole  coui'se  of  the  British  ministry.  The  work 
was  admired,  and  made  a  text-book  by  his  countrymen.  In  June, 
1775,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Continental  Congress,  from  Virginia. 
In  this  body  he  soon  became  conspicuous,  and  was  considered  a  firm 
friend  to  American  liberty.  In  1776,  he  was  chosen  chairman  of  the 
committee  that  drafted  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  This  instru- 
ment is  nearly  all  his  own,  and  was  sanctioned  by  his  coadjutors  with 
few  alterations.  In  1778,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  ambassador  to 
France,  to  form  a  treaty  with  that  government,  but  ill  health  prevented 
his  accepting  of  this  office.  He  succeeded  Patrick  Henry,  in  1779, 
as  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  continued  in  that  station  two  years.  In 
1781,  he  composed  his  notes  on  Virginia.  In  1783,  he  was  sent  to 
France,  to  join  the  ministers  of  our  country,  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr. 
Franklin.  In  1785,  he  succeeded  Dr,  Franklin  as  ambassador,  and 
continued  performing  the  duties  of  that  office  for  two  years,  when  he 
retired,  and  returned  home.  In  1789,  he  was  made  secretary  of  state, 
under  Washington,  in  which  situation  he  was  highly  distinguished  for 
his  talents.  This  station  he  resigned  in  1793,  and  retired  to  private 
life.  In  1797,  he  was  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
and  took  his  seat  as  President  of  the  Senate,  on  the  following  4th  of 
March.  In  1801,  he  was  elected  President  of  the  United  States, 
which  office  he  held  for  eight  years.  After  completing  his  second 
term,  he  retired  to  private  life,  in  which  he  spent  his  days  in  philoso- 
phical pursuits,  until  the  4th  of  July,  1826,  when  he  expired,  just  fifty 
years  after  penning  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  His  course  wag 
one  of  his  own.  Never  lived  there  a  politician,  who  did  more  than 
Thomas  Jeffersoc,  to  bring  his  fellow-citizens  to  his  own  opinions. 


JAMSS    MADISOK 


15 


JAMES     MADISON, 

THK    FOURTH     PRKSTPENT    OF    THE    UNITEn    STATES, 

Was  born  in  Orange  county,  Va.,  March  16,  1751.  His  studies, 
preparatory  to  enteriu2:  Princeton  College,  v\ere  pursued  under  tbt 
moRt  favorable  circumstances,  he  being  provided  with  the  most  accom- 
pliphH  instructors,  and  he  graduated  with  hi  h  honor  in  1771.     On 


1  1 6  JAMBS    IIADISON. 

returning  to  Virginia,  lie  zealously  commenced  the  study  of  the  I*.*" 
which  he  subsequently  abandoned  !br  political  lite. 

In  1776,  he  was  elected  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia;  and 
from  this  period,  for  more  than  forty  years,  he  was  continually  in 
oSice,  serving  his  state  and  his  country  in  various  capacities,  from  that 
of  a  state  legislator  to  that  of  President. 

In  ]  778,  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature  to  the  executive  council 
of  the  state,  where  he  rendered  important  aid  to  Henry  and  Jefferson, 
governors  of  Virginia,  during  the  time  he  held  a  seat  in  the  council ; 
and  by  his  probity  of  character,  faithfulness  in  the  discharge  of  d«ty, 
and  amiableness  of  deportment,  he  won  the  approbation  of  these  great 
men.  In  the  winter  of  1779-80,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Continental 
Congress,  and  becan^e  immediately  an  active  and  leading  member,  as 
the  journal  of  that  body  abundantly  testifies. 

In  1784,  '5,  '6,  he  was  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  in 
1787,  he  became  a  member  of  the  Convention  held  in  Philadelphia, 
for  the  purpose  of  preparing  a  Constitution  for  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  Perhaps  no  member  of  that  body  had  more  to  do 
with  the  formation  of  that  noble  instrument,  the  "  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America,"  than  Mr.  Madison. 

It  was  during  the  recess  between  the  proposition  of  the  Constitu- 
tion by  the  Convention  of  1787,  and  its  adoption  by  the  states,  that 
that  celebrated  work,  "  The  Federalist,"  made  its  appearance.  This  is 
known  to  be  the  joint  production  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  John  Jay, 
and  James  Madison.  This  same  year  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  and 
held  his  seat  until  the  Continental  Congress  passed  away  among  the 
things  that  were.  He  was  a  member  of  the  state  convention  of  Vir- 
ginia which  met  to  adopt  the  Constitution,  and  on  the  establishment 
of  the  new  Congress  under  the  Constitution,  he  was  chosen  a  member, 
retaining  his  seat  until  the  close  of  Washington's  administration. 

In  1801,  as  one  of  the  presidential  electors,  he  had  the  gratification 
of  voting  for  his  illustrious  friend  Jefferson,  who  immediately  offered 
him  a  place  in  his  cabinet,  which  was  accepted.  Accordingly  he 
entered  on  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  State,  which  duties 
he  continued  to  perform  during  the  whole  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  adminis- 
tration, and  on  the  retirement  of  that  great  statesman,  in  1809,  he 
succeeded  to  the  Presidency,  in  which  office  he  served  two  terms. 

Mr.  Madison  then  retired  to  his  peaceful  home  in  Virginia,  where  he 
passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  favorite  pastimes,  loved  by  the 
many  and  i-espected  by  all,  until  the  28th  day  of  June,  1826,  when  the 
last  survivor  of  the  framers  of  our  Constitutior!  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers,  full  if  years  an  d  glory. 


JAMES   MONROE 


in 


JAMES     MONROE, 

THE    FIFTH     PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 

One  of  the  few  exalted  characters  tliat  served  his  country  in  both  a 
.'-ivil  and  military  capacity,  was  born  in  Westraorpland  county,  Ya., 
-\pril  28.  1758,  and  was  educated  at  William  and  Mary's  college, 
whence  he  graduated  in  1776,  and  commenced  the  study  of  the  law. 
Anxious  to  aid  in  the  struggle  for  indrpeii(K;nce.  which  liad  then  just 
began,  ho  abandoned  his  studies,  and  entered  the  arny  as  a  cadei — 
joining  a  corps  under  tlw  gallant  (Jencral  Mercer.  lie  soon  distin- 
guished him.self  in  several  well-fought  battles,  and  rapid  promotioQ 


118  JAMES    M.ONROE 

followed,  until  he  reached  the  rank  of  captain.  He  was  at  Harlem 
Heights  and  White  Plains,  and  shared  the  perils  and  fatigues  of  the 
distressing  retreat  of  Washington  through  New  Jersey,  as  well  as  the 
glory  of  the  victory  over  the  Hessians  at  Trenton,  where  he  received  a 
musket-ball  in  the  shoulder ;  notwithstanding  which,  he  valiantly 
"  fought  out  the  fight."  He  subsequently  accepted  the  post  of  an  aid 
to  Lord  Stirling,  with  the  rank  of  major,  in  which  position  he  saw 
much  hard  service — being  engaged  in  almost  every  conflict  for  the  two 
succeeding  campaigns,  and  displaying  great  courage  and  coolness  at 
the.  bloody  battles  of  Brandywine,  Gei-mantown,  and  Monmouth. 

Aspiring  to  a  separate  command,  he  obtained  permission  to  raise  a 
regiment  in  his  native  state ;  for  which  purpose  he  left  the  army,  and 
returned  to  Virginia,  where  he  encountered  so  many  unexpected  and 
discouraging  obstacles,  that  he  finally  relinquished  the  enterprise,  and 
resumed  his  law  studies  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  1780  he  was  elected  to  the  Virginia  legislature,  and  in  the 
following  year  was  made  one  of  Governor  Jefferson's  council,  in  which 
he  continued  until  1783,  when,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  years,  he 
became  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  After  serving  three 
years  in  that  body,  he  was  again  returned  to  the  state  legislature. 

In  1788,  while  a  member  of  the  Convention  to  decide  upon  the 
adoption  of  the  new  Constitution,  he  voted  in  the  minority  against 
that  instrument ;  but  this  vote  did  not  at  all  affect  his  popularity 
Two  years  afterwards  he  was  elected  United  States'  senator,  and  in 
1794  he  was  sent  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
the  court  of  Versailles.  After  settling  the  cession  of  Louisiana  to  the 
United  States,  he  went  to  Kngland  to  succeed  Mr.  King  as  minister  at 
the  court  of  St.  James.  The  affair  of  the  frigate  Chesapeake  placing 
him  in  an  uncomfortable  situation,  he  returned  to  the  United  States, 
and,  in  1810,  was  once  more  elected  to  the  Virginia  legislature.  He 
was  soon  after  chosen  governor  of  that  state,  in  whit4i  office  be 
remained  until  Mr.  Madison  called  him  to  assume  the  duties  of  Secre- 
tary of  State  in  his  cabinet.  In  1817,  he  was  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  1821  was  unanimously  re-elected,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  vote  in  New  Hampshire.  His  administration 
was  a  prosperous  and  quiet  one. 

He  united  with  Jefferson  and  Madison  in  founding  the  university  of 
Virginia ;  and  when  the  convention  was  formed  frvr  the  revision  of 
the  constitution  of  his  state,  he  was  called  to  preside  over  its  action. 
Not  long  after  this,  he  went  to  reside  with  a, beloved  daughter  (the 
wife  of  Samuel  L.  Gouverneur,  Esq.)  in  New  York  city,  where  he  lived 
until  the  anniversary  of  independence  in  1831,  when,  "amidst  the 
pealing  joy  and  congratulations  of  that  proud  day,  he  passed  quietlj 
and  in  glory  away." 


JOHX    QUISCY    AHAMS. 


119 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS, 

THE    SIXTH    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

Was  born  at  Quincy,  Mass.,  July  11,  1767,  and  received  tlie 
advantages  of  a  pretty  thorough  education  before  entering  Harvard 
college,  which  was  not  until  the  year  1786.  After  graduating  v.ith 
marked  credit,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law  at  Newburyport,  in  the 


120  JOHN    OOINCY    ADAMS 

ofGce  of  the  Hen.  Thcophilus  Parsons,  for  mauy  years  afterwards 
chief  justice  of  Massachusetts.  While  pursuing  his  studies  he  found 
leisure  to  write  several  newspaper  essays,  which  attracted  much  atten- 
tion, and  displayed  a  maturity  of  taste  and  judgment  seldom  attained 
BO  early  in  hfe.  In  1794  Washington  appointed  him  minister  to  the  || 
Netherlai>ds,  and  subsequently  transferred  him  to  Portugal.  He  waa  * 
afterwards,  at  different  periods,  minister  to  Prussia,  Russia,  and  Eng- 
land ;  and  was  one  of  the  commissioners  who  negotiated  the  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain  at  Ghent  in  1815.  In  1817  he  waa 
ippointed  Secretary  of  State,  in  which  office  he  continued  during  Mr. 
Monroe's  administration,  eight  years ;  when  he  was  elected  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  President  of  the  United  States — the  people 
Having  failed  in  making  a  choice.  Like  his  father,  he  encountered 
strong  opposition,  and  only  served  one  term  in  this  office,  being 
defeated  in  a  re-election  by  General  Jackson.  He  then  retired  to  his 
farm  at  Quincy,  but  did  not  long  remain  in  private  life  ;  for  two  years 
afterwards,  he  was  chosen  representative  in  Congress,  and  continued 
to  be  re-elected  until  his  death,  which  occurred  in  the  capitol  at 
Washington,  February  23, 1848.  Two  days  previous  to  this  sad  event, 
while  engaged  in  his  duties  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  he 
received  a  paralytic  stroke,  which  apparently  deprived  him  of  all  con- 
sciousness. He  was  borne  to  the  Speaker's  room,  where  he  received 
every  attention  that  could  be  bestowed  by  anxious  and  devoted  friends, 
but  all  in  vain — his  hour  was  come.  The  last  words  he  was  heard  to 
utter  were,  "  This  is  the  last  of  earth !" 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  man  of  rare  gifts  and  rich  acquisitions.  A  dili- 
gent student,  and  economical  of  his  time,  he  found  opportunity,  amidst 
all  his  public  cares,  to  cultivate  his  tastes  for  literature  and  the 
sciences.  He  was  one  of  the  finest  classical  and  belles-lettres  scholars 
of  his  time,  and  filled  the  chair  of  Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  Belles- 
Lettres  in  Harvard  college  for  several  years.  Even  in  his  old  age,  hb 
often  astonished  his  hearers  with  the  elegant  classical  allusions  and 
rhetorical  tropes  with  which  he  enriched  and  embellished  his  own 
productions. 


ANDREW    JACKSON 


121 


ANDREW    JACKSON, 

THK    SEVENTH    PRESIDENT    OF    TH£    UNITED    STATES, 

A  STATESMAN  of  rare  integrity,  and  a  general  of  invincible  skill  and 
courage,  was  born  at  Waxhaw,  Lancaster  county.  S.  C,  in  1767,  and 
v,'hilo  \-et  a  mere  lad,  did  something  towards  achieving  the  independ- 
ence of  his  countrj-.  It  is  said  that  he  commenced  his  military  career 
at  the  age  ol"  fourteen  years,  and  was  soon  after  taken  prisoner, 
togctlier  with  an  elder  brother.     During  his  captivity,  he  was  ordered 


122  ANDREW    JACKSOM 

by  a  British  officer  to  perform  some  meuial  service,  which  he  promptij 
refused,  and  for  this  refusal  he  was  "  severely  wouuded  with  the  sword 
which  the  Englishman  disgraced."  He  was  educated  for  the  bar,  and 
commenced  practice  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  but  relinquished  his  legal 
pursuits  to  "  gain  a  name  in  arms."  In  the  early  part  of  the  war  of 
1812,  Congress  having  voted  to  accept  fifty  thousand  volunteers, 
General  Jackson  appealed  to  the  militia  of  Tennessee,  when  twenty- 
five  hundred  enrolled  their  names,  and  presented  themselves  to  Con 
gress,  with  Jackson  at  their  head.  They  were  acc^ed,  and  ordered 
to  Natchez,  to  watch  the  operations  of  the  British  m  lower  Missis- 
HJppi.  Not  long  after,  he  received  orders  from  head-quarters,  to  dis- 
band his  men,  and  send  them  to  their  homes.  To  obey,  he  foresaw, 
would  be  an  act  of  great  injustice  tc  his  command,  and  reflect  disgrace 
on  the  country,  and  he  resolved  to  disobey.  He  accordingly  broke  up 
his  camp,  and  returned  to  Nashville,  bringing  all  his  sick  with  him, 
whose  wants  on  the  way  he  relieved  with  his  private  means,  and  there 
disbanded  his  troops  in  the  midst  of  their  hemes. 

He  was  soon  called  to  the  field  once  more,  and  his  commission 
marked  out  his  course  of  duty  on  the  field  of  Indian  warfare.  Here 
for  years  he  labored,  and  fought,  and  diplomatized,  with  the  most  con- 
summate wisdom  and  undaunted  courage.  It  was  about  this  time 
that  the  treaty  of  the  "  Hickory  Ground  "  occurred,  which  gave  him 
the  familiar  soVjriquet  of  "  Old  Hickory." 

The  crowning  glory  of  his  whole  military  career  was  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans ;  which  will  ever  occupy  one  of  the  brightest  pages  in 
Ajnerican  history. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  he  returned  to  his  home  in  Nashville  ;  but 
tn  1818  was  again  called  on  by  his  country  to  render  his  military  ser- 
vices in  the  expulsion  of  the  Seminoles.  His  conduct  during  this 
campaign  has  been  both  bitterly  condemned  and  highly  applauded. 
An  attempt  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  inflict  a  censure 
on  the  old  hero  for  the  irregularities  of  this  campaign,  after  a  long  and 
bitter  debate,  was  defeated  by  a  large  majority. 

In  1828,  and  again  in  1832,  General  Jackson  was  elected  to  fill  the 
presidential  chair  ;  thus  occupying  that  elevated  position  for  eight 
successive  years.  He  then  retired  to  his  hospitable  mansion  ("  The 
Hermitage")  near  Nashville,  "loaded  with  wealth  and  honors,  bravely 
won,"  where  he  continued  to  realize  all  the  enjoyments  that  are  insep- 
arable from  a  well-spent  life,  until  death  translated  him  to  those  higher 
rewards,  which  "  earth  can  neither  give  nor  take  away."  He  died 
Jure  8,  1845,  and  his  last  hours  were  soothed  by  a  trustful  reliance  on 
the  Saviour  of  the  world  for  salvation. 


Martin  van  buren. 


123 


MARTEN     YAN     BUREN. 

THE    EIGHTH    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 

Was  born  in  the  flout  ishing  town  of  Kiiiderliook,  Xew  York.  Sep- 
tember 5,  1782,  and  early  received  the  best  education  lliut  could  then 
be  obtained  in  the  schools  in  his  immediate  vicinity.  Having  suffi- 
ciently prepared  himself  for  the.  study  of  law,  he  entered  tjie  niTice  of 
Francis  Sjlve«tor,  in  his  nativ-  town,  'vh;'r<»  ho  rcinaia(\l  'ib.)'.;:  six 


124  MARTI  V    VAX    BUREN. 

years.  Bat  law  did  not  engross  his  whole  time  :  he  found  leisure 
occasionally  to  peer  into  the  mysteries  of  political  economy,  and  finally 
arrired  at  the  conclusion  that  his  chances  for  fame  and  fortune  were 
at  least  equal  in  the  arena  of  politics  to  anything  he  might  accomplish 
by  a  strict  adherence  to  legal  pursuits.  Fully  impressed  with  this 
idea,  he  early  set  about  cultivating  what  little  popularity  could  be 
gained  in  his  limited  sphere,  and  so  won  upon  the  confidence  of  his 
neighbors  and  friends  as  to  be  appointed,  while  yet  in  his  teen?,  a 
delegate  to  a  convention  in  his  native  county,  in  which  important 
political  measures  were  to  be  acted  upon. 

In  1808  he  was  appointed  surrogate  of  Columbia  county,  the  first 
public  office  he  ever  held;  and  in  1812  and  1816  he  was  elected  to 
the  state  senate,  in  which  body  he  became  a  distinguished  leader  of 
the  Madison  party,  and  one  of  its  most  eloquent  supporters. 

In  1821  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  in  which  he 
held  his  seat  for  nearly  eight  years,  and  became  remarkable  not  only 
for  his  close  attention  to  business,  but  also  for  his  devotion  to  the 
great  principles  of  the  democratic  party. 

In  1828  he  was  elected  Governor  of  his  native  state,  aud  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  that  office  on  the  first  of  January,  1829  ;  but 
he  filled  the  gubernatorial  chair  for  only  a  few  weeks.  In  March  fol- 
lowing, when  General  Jackson  was  elevated  to  the  Presidency,  he 
tendered  Mr.  Tan  Buren  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State,  which  was 
accepted.  At  the  expiration  of  two  years  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  was  immediately  appointed  minister  to  England ;  but 
when  his  nomination  was  submitted  to  the  Senate,  (June  25,  1831,)  it 
was  rejected  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President,  (Mr.  Calhoun,) 
and  of  course  he  was  recalled.  As  his  friends  attributed  his  rejection 
entirely  to  personal  and  political  rancor,  it  only  served  to  raise  Mr. 
Van  Buren  in  the  estimation  of  his  political  adherents  ;  and  the  re,sult 
was,  that  in  May  following  he  was  nominated  with  great  unanimity 
for  the  Yice-Presidency  by  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Baltimore. 
His  triumphant  election  was  regarded  not  merely  as  a  high  compli- 
ment to  himself,  but  as  a  wholesome  rebuke  to  his  opponents. 

In  1836  he  was  put  in  nomination  for  the  chief  magistracy,  to 
which  he  was  elected  by  a  large  majority  over  General  Harrison  ;  but 
Bt  the  next  Presidential  election,  the  tables  were  turned,  aud  he  only 
received  sixty  votes  out  of  two  hundred  and  ninety-four. 

After  his  defeat,  he  returned  to  Kinderhook,  where  he  remained 
Bome  time,  and  then  visited  Europe,  with  one  of  his  sons,  whose  resto- 
ration to  health  was  the  principal  object  of  his  journey. 

Not  long  after  his  return,  he  consented  to  become  once  more  a  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency,  and  in  1848  received  the  nomination  of  the 
Free-soil  party  ;  but  he  did  not  secure  a  single  electoral  vote.  Since 
then,  he  has  had  little  to  do  with  political  affairs  ;  yet  it  has  been 
recently  manifested  that  his  opinions  have  undergone  some  modifica- 
tion, and  lie  is  now  avowedly  favorable  to  the  election  of  the  demo- 
cratic nominee,  James  Buchanan,  to  the  office  of  President. 


WILLIAM  nr.xRY  inunisoy 


125 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON, 

fHK    NINTH    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

Was  born  in  Charles  City  county,  Va.,  February  9,  1773,  and  was 
educated  for  tlie  medical  profession  at  Ilampfbii  Sydney  college.  He 
graduated  at  a  time  when  our  north-western  frontier  was  suffering 


1'26  WILUAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 

much  frovfi  the  neigliboriug  Indians ;  and  believing  that  he  could  be 
of  greater  service  in  repelling  the  savage  invaders  than  in  pursuing  his 
studies,  he  accepted  an  ensign's  commission  from  President  Washing 
ton,  and  joined  the  army.  He  was  promoted  to  a  lieutenancy  in  1792, 
and  his  skill  and  bravery  were  highly  commended  by  General  Wayne, 
under  whose  command  he  was  engaged  in  several  actions.  After  the 
bloody  battle  of  Miami  Rapids,  he  was  rewarded  with  the  rank  of 
captain,  and  immediately  placed  in  command  of  Fort  Washington.  In 
1797  he  resigned  his  commission,  for  the  purpose  of  accepting  the 
ofBce  of  secretary  of  the  North-west  Territory,  from  which  he  was 
elected  a  delegate  to  Congress  in  1799. 

When  a  territorial  government  was  formed  for  Indiana,  he  was 
appointed  the  first  governor,  and  continued  in  that  office  till  1813. 
To  his  civil  au^  military  duties  he  added  those  of  commissioner  and 
superintendent  of  Indian  affairs ;  and,  in  the  course  of  his  administra- 
tion, he  concluded  thirteen  important  treaties  with  the  different  tribes. 
On  the  7th  of  November,  1811,  he  gained  the  celebrated  battle  of 
Tippecanoe,  the  news  of  which  was  received  throughout  the  country 
•with  a  burst  of  enthusiasm.  During  the  war  of  1812  he  was  made 
commander  of  the  north-western  army  of  the  United  States,  and  he 
bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  leading  events  in  the  campaign  of 
1812-13,  the  defence  of  Fort  Meigs,  and  the  victory  of  the  Thames. 
In  1814,  he  was  appointed,  in  conjunction  with  his  companions  in 
arms.  Governor  Shelby  and  General  Cass,  to  treat  with  the  Indians  in 
the  north-west,  at  Greenville  ;  and,  in  the  following  year,  he  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  a  commission  to  treat  with  vicious  other 
important  tribes. 

In  1816,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress  from  Ohio  ;  and,  in 
1828,  he  was  sent  minister  plenipotentiary  to  ihe  republic  of  Colom- 
bia. On  his  return,  he  took  up  his  residence  at  North  Bend,  on  the 
Ohio,  where  he  lived  upon  his  farm,  in  comparative  retirement,  till 
1837,  when  he  became  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  ;  and  although 
defeated  on  the  first  trial,  four  years  afterwards  he  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority,  and  inaugurated  in  1841.  But  he  did  not  long  survive 
this  crowning  honor,  as  he  died  on  the  4th  of  April,  just  one  month 
after  entering  upon  his  duties.  His  funeral  obsequies  were  performed 
on  the  7th,  and  an  immense  concourse  assembled  to  pay  their  testi- 
mony of  respect.  Funeral  services  and  processions  also  took  placo  in 
most  of  the  principal  cities  throughout  the  country.  As  General 
Harrison  was  the  first  President  who  died  while  in  office,  his  successor 
Mr.  Tyler,  recommended  that  the  14tli  of  May  be  observed  as  a  day 
of  fasting  and  prayer,  and  accordingly  it  was  so  observed. 


JOH.V    TYLER. 


127 


J  0  H  >;    TYLER, 

fHE    SUCCESSOR    OF    GEN.     HARRISON'     AS    PRESIDENT, 

"Was  born  at  Williamsbui-fr.  Va.,  March  29.  1790,  and  at  the  age 
of  twelve  years  entered  William  and  ^Mary's  college,  where  he  gradu- 
ated with  distinguished  merit  five  years  afterwards.  Few  have  com- 
menced life  at  SO  early  a  period  as  Mr.  Tyler — he  having  been  admit- 
ted to  the  bar  when  only  nineteen,  and  elected  to  the  Virginia  legislor 
ture  before  attaining  his  twenty-second  year.  In  1816  he  was  sent  to 
Congress  ;  in  1825,  elected  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  in  1827  became 
United  States  senator ;  in  which  capacity  he  firmly  supported  the 
administration  of  General  Jackson — voting  against  the  tarifi"  bill  of 
1828,  and  against  re-chartering  the  United  States  Bank.     Xotwitb 


128  JOHN    TYLER 

Btanding  this  last  vote,  the  friends  of  the  bank,  presuming  upon  his 
well-known  conservatism,  at  the  special  session  of  Congress  called  by 
his  predecessor,  introduced  a  bill  for  the  establishment  of  the  "  Fiscal 
Bank  of  the  United  States,"  which  passed  both  houses  by  small 
majorities,  and  which  Mr.  Tyler  felt  bound  to  veto.  But  this  d\d  not 
dishearten  the  friends  of  the  measure,  who  modified  and  rechristened 
their  financial  plan,  which,  under  the  name  of  "  Fiscal  Corporation  of 
the  United  States,"  again  passed  both  houses  of  Congress,  and  was 
again  vetoed  by  the  President.  Of  course,  a  large  portion  of  the 
party  that  elected  him  were  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course,  and 
their  denunciations  of  his  alleged  faithlessness  were  "  loud  and  deep." 
To  add  to  the  embarrassments  which  were  accumulating  around  him, 
the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Webster, 
resigned  their  places ;  but  even  this  implied  rebuke  did  not  shake  his 
integrity  of  purpose.  An  equally  efficient  phalanx  of  talent  was  called 
to  his  aid,  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  that  his  views  were 
endorsed  by  a  large  number  of  leading  statesmen.  It  has  been  often 
asserted  that  Mr.  T.  had  pledged  himself  to  sustain  the  financial 
schemes  of  the  bank  and  its  friends  ;  but  this  has  always  been  denied, 
and  circumstances  certainly  warrant  the  conclusion  ihat  the  assertion 
is  unfounded.  So  gross  and  bitter  were  the  assaults  made  upon  him, 
that  he  felt  called  upon  to  defend  himself  from  their  violence ;  and, 
after  declaring  his  determination  to  do  his  duty,  regardless  of  party 
ties,  he  said  :  "  I  appeal  from  the  vituperation  of  the  present  day  to 
the  pen  of  impartial  History,  in  confidence  that  neither  my  motives 
nor  my  acts  will  bear  the  interpretation  which,  for  sinister  motives, 
has  been  placed  upon  them."  On  flie  expiration  of  his  official  term, 
he  retired  to  his  estate  at  Williamsburg,  where  he  still  continues  to 
reside,  secure  in  the  respect  of  a  large  circle  of  friends,  and  far  aloof 
from  tke  troublous  vortex  of  oolitical  life. 


JJiMKb    KKOX    roi.K. 


WJ 


JAMES     KNOX    POLK, 

THE    TENTH     P  R  E  S  I  r,  v  x  T    OF    THE    U  N' I  T  E  D    STAThU. 

Was  born  at  Mecklenburg,  N.  C.  November  2,  1795,  and  there 
received  the  rudiments  of  his  early  education.  In  1800  his  father 
removed  to  Nashville,  Tcnn.,  taking  his  family  with  him,  and  here  it 
was  that  Mr.  Polk  pursued  those  preliminary  studies  which  were 
requisite  to  qualify  him  for  the  legal  profession.  After  due  prepara- 
tion, he  entered  the  ofScc  of  the  Hon.  Feli.Y  Grundy,  under  whose  able 
instruction  he  made  such  rapid  progress,  that  he  was  admitted  to 
practice  in  1820.  His  duties  at  the  bar  did  not  prevent  him  fron 
taking  part  in  the  political  affairs  of  the  day  ;  and  in  this  sphere  hia 


ISO  JAMES    KNOX    POIK. 

comprehensive  views  and  zealous  devotion  to  democracy  soon  secured 
him  a  widely-extended  popularity,  which  resulted  in  his  election  to  the 
legislature  of  Tennessse  in  1823.  In  1825,  while  yet  in  his  thirtieth 
year,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  Congress,  in  which  body  he  remained 
fourteen  years — being  honored  with  the  Speakership  for  several 
sessions.  So  well  satisfied  were  his  constituents  with  his  congres- 
sional course,  that  he  was  elected  Governor  by  a  large  majority,  but 
some  questions  of  local  policy  subsequently  defeated  his  re-election. 
b  In  1844  he  was  unexpectedly  nominated  for  the  oflBce  of  President 
of  the  United  States  by  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Baltimore; 
and,  having  received  sixty-five  electoral  votes  more  than  his  rival  can- 
didate, Mr.  Clay,  he  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1845. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Polk  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  the  country 
became  involved  in  a  war  with  Mexico,  which  was  little  more  than 
a  series  of  victories  wherever  the  American  banner  was  displayed,  and 
which  resulted  in  important  territorial  acquisitions.  The  ostensible 
ground  for  this  war,  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  was  the  admission  of  Texas 
into  the  Union,  which  was  one  of  the  first  acts  of  Mr.  Polk's  adminis- 
tration. The  Mexicans,  however,  paid  dearly  for  asserting  their 
frivolous  claims  to  Texas  as  a  revolted  province,  and  the  prompt  and 
energetic  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Polk  was  sanctioned  and  sustained 
by  a  large  majority  of  the  people. 

But  notwithstanding  the  advantageous  issue  of  the  war,  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Texas,  and  the  satisfactory  settlement  of  several  vexed  ques- 
tions ©f  long  standing,  Mr.  Polk  was  not  nominated  for  a  second 
term — ^rarious  extraneous  matters  leading  to  the  selection  of  another 
candidate.  Perhape  it  was  fortunate  for  the  country  and  for  himself 
that  he  was  permit'ed  to  retire  to  the  more  congenial  enjoyment  of 
private  life ;  for  hi"  health  had  become  Tery  much  impaired,  and  he 
did  not  long  surviv ;  after  reaching  his  home  in  Nashville  He  dio^ 
Jane  15,  1849. 


ZACHARV    TAVtOP.. 


131 


ZACHARY    TAYLOR, 

THE    Bt.  EVE  NTH    PRESIDENT     OF    THE    UNITED    S5TATES, 

Was  »)orn  in  Orange  county,  Ya.,  November  24,  1790,  and,  after 
receiving  an  indifferent  education,  passed  a  considerable  portion  of  his 
bo^'bood  amid  the  stirring  scenes  which  were  being  enacted  at  that 
■  me  on  our  western  border.     In  l?08  he  was  appointed  a  lieutenant 


132  ZACHARY    TAYLOR. 

in  the  United  States  infantry,  and  subsequently  was  promot«d  to  « 
captaincy  for  his  efficient  services  against  the  Indians.  Soon  after 
the  declaration  of  war  in  1812  he  was  placed  in  command  of  Fort 
Harrison,  which  he  so  gallantly  defended  with  a  handful  of  men 
against  the  attack  of  a  large  body  of  savages,  as  to  win  Ihe  brevet 
rank  of  major.  So  familiar  did  he  become  with  the  Indian  character, 
and  with  the  mode  of  warfare  of  that  wily  foe,  that  his  services  at  the 
West  and  South  were  deemed  indispensable  in  the  subjugation  and 
removal  of  several  hostile  tribes.  While  effecting  these  desirable 
objects,  he  was  occasionally  rewarded  for  his  toils  and  sacrifices  by 
gi'aduai  promotion,  and  in  1840  attained  the  rank  of  brigadier-general. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  troubles  with  Mexico,  in  1845,  he  was 
ordered  to  occupy  a  position  on  the  American  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
but  not  to  cross  that  river  unless  attacked  by  the  Mexicans.  He  was 
not,  however,  allowed  to  remain  long  in  repose  :  the  enemy,  by  attack- 
ing Fort  Brown,  which  he  had  built  on  the  Rio  Grande,  opposite 
Matamoras,  soon  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  display  his  skill  and 
valor,  and  gloriously  did  he  improve  it.  The  brilliant  battles  of  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  where  he  contended  successfully  against 
fearful  odds,  were  precursors  to  a  series  of  victories  which  have  few 
parallels  in  military  annals.  The  attack  on  Matamoras,  the  storming 
of  Monterey,  the  sanguinary  contest  at  Buena  Vista,  and  the  numerous 
skirmishes  in  which  he  was  engaged,  excited  universal  admiration ; 
and  on  his  return  home,  after  so  signally  aiding  to  "  conquer  a  peace" 
with  Mexico,  he  was  everywhere  received  with  the  most  gratifying 
demonstrations  of  respect  and  affection.  In  1848  General  Taylor 
received  the  nomination  of  the  whig  party  for  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  and,  being  elected,  was  inaugurated  t^e  year  fol- 
lowing. But  the  cares  and  responsibilities  of  this  position  were 
greater  than  his  constitution  could  endure,  hardened  as  it  had  been 
both  in  Indian  and  civilized  warfare.  After  the  lapse  of  little  more 
than  a  year  from  the  time  he  entered  upon  his  new  career,  he  sunk 
under  i  ts  complicated  trials,  and  his  noble  spirit  sought  reftge  in  « 
more  congenial  sphere,  July  9, 1850. 


VILLABD    FILLMORK. 


733 


MILLARD    FILLMORE, 

THE    SUCCESSOR    OF    GEX.     TAYLOR,     AS    PRESIDENT, 

Was  born  at  Summer  Hill,  Cayuga  county.  N.Y.,  January  7, 
1800.  aud  did  not  enjoy  the  advantages  of  any  other  education  than 
what  he  derived  from  the  then  inefficient  common  schools  of  the 
county.  At  an  early  age  he  was  sent  into  the  wilds  of  Livingston 
county  to  learn  a  trade,  and  here  he  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  a 
friend,  who  placed  him  in  a  lawyer's  office — thus  opening  a  new,  and 
what  was  destined  to  be  a  most  honorable  and  distinn:uished  career. 
In  1827  he  was  admitted  as  an  attorney,  and  two  years  afterwards  aa 
counsellor   in   the  Supreme   Court.      Soon  attracting  attention,  ha 


134  .iin.i.Arji   fi!.l:.;crk. 

established  himself  at  Buffalo,  where  his  talents  atid  business  habits 
secured  him  an  extended  practice. 

His  first  entrance  into  public  life  was  in  January,  1829,  when  he 
took  his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from  Erie  county.  At 
this  time  he  distinguished  himself  for  his  untiring  opposition  to 
imprisonment  for  debt,  and  to  this  are  the  people  indebted  in  a  great 
degree  for  the  expunging  of  this  relic  of  barbarism  from  the  statute 
book.  Having  gained  a  high  reputation  for  legislative  capacity,  in 
1833  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  national  House  of  Representa- 
tives ;  and  on  the  assembling  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress,  to 
which  he  was  re-elected  by  a  larger  majority  than  was  ever  given 
to  any  person  in  his  district,  he  was  placed  in  the  arduous  position  of 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  The  measures  he 
brought  forward  and  sustained  with  matchless  ability,  speedily  relieved 
the  government  from  its  existing  pecuniary  embarrassments.  In  1847 
he  was  elected  Comptroller  of  the  state  of  New  York  by  a  larger 
majority  than  had  been  given  to  any  state  office  for  many  years.  In 
1848  he  was  selected  as  candidate  for  Vice-President,  General  Taylor 
heading  the  ticket.  On  his  election  to  that  high  office,  he  resigned  hi.s 
position  as  Comptroller,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  as  President  of 
the  United  States  Senate.  The  courtesy,  ability,  and  dignity  exhib- 
ited by  him,  while  presiding  over  the  deliberations  of  that  body, 
received  general  commendation.  Upon  the  sudden  death  of  Genera] 
Taylor,  he  became  President,  and  promptly  selected  a  cabinet,  distin- 
guished for  Hs  ability,  patriotism,  and  devotion  to  the  Union,  and 
possessing  in  an  eminent  degree  the  confidence  of  the  country. 

After  serving  out  the  constitutional  term.  Mr.  Fillmore  returned  to 
Buffalo,  and  again  resumed  those  pursuits  which  had  prepared  the 
way  to  the  elevated  position  from  which  he  had  just  retired.  He  was 
welcomed  home  by  troops  of  friends,  with  whom  he  still  continues  to 
tnjoy  an  unabated  popularity. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  by  every  aspiring  young  man,  that  Mr. 
Fillmore  is  entirely  indebted  to  his  own  exertions  for  his  success  in 
life.  From  a  very  humble  origin,  he  attained  the  highest  office  in  the 
world,  climbing  the  rugged  steep  of  fame  step  by  step,  witb  indefati- 
gable industry  and  untiring  perseverance,  until  he  at  length  gaineij 
Uie  summit,  where  he  is  long  likely  to  enjoy  his  well-earned  position. 


I 


FRANKLIN    PIERCfi. 


135 


FRANKLIN    PIERCE, 

THE    TWELFTH    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES 

Was  boin  at  Hillsborough.  N.  IT..  November  23,  180-4,  and  early 
received  the  advantage  of  a  HI  >oral, education.  After  going  through  a 
regular  collegiate  course  at  Bowdoin  college,  which  he  entered  at  the 
»ge  of  sixteen,  he  became  a  law  student  in  the  otlice  of  Judge  Wood- 
barv  at  Portsmouth,  whence  he  was  tran,sferred  to  the  law  school  at 


186  FRANKLIN    PIKRCE. 

Northampton,  where  he  remained  two  years,  and  theu  finished  hia 
studies  with  Judge  Parl^er  at  Amherst.  Although  his  rise  at  the  bar 
was  not  rapid,  by  degrees  he  attained  the  highest  rank  as  a  lawyer 
and  advocate. 

In  1829  he  was  elected  to  represent  his  native  town  in  the  state 
legislature,  where  he  served  four  years,  during  the  two  last  of  which  ho 
held  the  speakership,  and  discharged  the  duties  with  universal  satis- 
fa  ;;tion. 

From  1833  to  1837  he  represented  his  state  in  Congress,  and  was 
then  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  having  barely  reached 
the  requisite  age  to  qualify  him  for  a  seat  in  that  body. 

In  1834  he  married  Miss  Jane  Means,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Dt 
Appleton,  formerly  President  of  Bowdoin  college — soon  after  which 
he  removed  to  Concord,  where  he  still  holds  a  residence.  He  was 
re-elected  at  the  expiration  of  his  senatorial  term,  but  resigned  his  seat 
the  year  following,  for  the  purpose  of  devoting  himself  exclusively 
to  his  legal  business,  which  had  become  so  extensive  as  to  require 
all  his  attention. 

In  1846  he  declined  the  office  of  Attorney-General,  tendered  to  him 
by  President  Polk ;  but  when  the  war  witli  Mexico  broke  out,  he  was 
active  in  raising  the  New  England  regiment  of  volunteers  ;  and  after, 
wards  accepted  the  commission  of  brigadier-general,  with  which  he  at 
once  repaired  to  the  field  of  operations,  where  he  distinguished  himself 
in  several  hard-fought  battles.  At  Cerro-Grordo  and  at  Chapultapec 
he  displayed  an  ardor  in  his  country's  cause  which  extorted  praise 
from  bis  most  inveterate  political  opponents  ;  and  on  his  return  home 
he  was  everywhere  received  with  gratifying  evidences  that  his  services 
were  held  in  gratefial  remembrance  by  the  people. 

At  the  Democratic  Convention  held  in  Baltimore  in  1852,  after 
trying  in  vain  to  concentrate  their  votes  on  a  more  prominent  candi- 
date, that  body  unexpectedly  nominated  General  Pierce  for  the  ofBce 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  to  which  he  was  elected  by  an 
unprecedented  majority  over  his  rival.  General  Scott — receiving  254 
votes  out  of  296.  He  was  duly  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1853,  and  his  administration  has  been  more  remarkable  for  its  futile 
attempts  to  reconcile  conflicting  interests,  than  for  the  achievement  of 
any  particular  measure  of  great  public  utility.  However,  it  wiU 
better  become  his  i'uture  than  his  present  biographer  to  "  speak  of 
him  as  he  is ;  nor  aught  extenuate,  nor  aught  set  down  in  malice." 


JAMJ-.S    BUCHANAN. 


137 


JAMES     BUCHANAN, 

THIRTEENTH   PRESIDENT   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES. 

Yon  the  high  position  he  has  so  long  maintained  in  the  political 
airairs  of  this  country,  Mr.  Buchanan  is  not  alone  indebted  to  Lis  early 
and  thorough  education,  but  his  entire  devo'-ion  towhatcver  he  under- 
lal:cs,  and  his  perseverance  in  surmounting  obstacles  which  woulil 


138  JAMES    BUCHANAN 

intimidate  less  determined  minds,  has  had  a  large  share  in  promoting 
his  advancement.  He  is  of  Irish  parentage,  and  was  born  at  Stony 
Batter,  Franklin  county.  Pa.,  April  23,  1791.  At  the  age  of  seven 
years  he  removed  with  his  father's  family  to  Mercersburg,  and  there 
received  an  education  that  fitted  him  for  entering  Dickinson  college  in 
1805,  where  he  graduated  two  years  afterwards  with  the  highest 
honors.  He  then  studied  law  with  James  Hopkins,  of  Lancaster,  and 
in  1812  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  at  which  he  attained  a  high  rank 
and  commanded  an  extensive  practice. 

In  1814  he  commenced  political  life  as  a  member  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania state  legislature,  and  in  1820  was  sent  as  representative  to  Coq-- 
gress,  where  he  remained  for  ten  years — at  the  expiration  of  which,  he 
declined  a  re-nomination. 

In  1831  he  was  appointed  minister  to  Russia  by  President  Jack- 
son, of  whom  he  was  always  the  consistent  friend  and  supporter,  and 
he  negotiated  a  commercial  treaty  which  proved  of  great  advantage  to 
American  commerce. 

In  December,  1834,  having  been  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  and  continued  one  of  its  most 
efiBcieut  members  until  1845,  when  he  accejited  the  ofiSce  of  Secretary 
of  State  under  Mr.  Polk.  He  held  this  responsible  place  until  the 
expiration  of  Mr.  Polk's  term  of  service,  when  he  returned  home 
to  repose  awhile.  But  he  did  not  by  any  means  become  an  idle  spec- 
tator in  passing  events  :  his  letters  and  speeches  show  that  he  was  no 
less  vigilant  as  a  private  citizen,  than  as  a  counsellor  in  the  Cabinet, 
or  a  representative  and  senator  in  Congress. 

On  the  accession  of  Mr.  Pierce  to  the  Presidency,  in  1853,  Mr 
Buchanan  was  appointed  minister  to  England,  with  which  country 
questions  were  then  pending  that  required  great  prudence  and  dis- 
crimination for  their  satisfactory  adjustment.  In  his  intercourse  with 
the  British  diplomatists  he  was  not  only  discreet,  but  displayed  sound 
sense,  courtly  forbearance,  a  just  assertion  of  our  rights,  and  the  true 
dignity  of  the  American  character.  So  entirely  unexceptionable  waa 
his  whole  course  while  abroad,  that  on  his  return  to  this  country  last 
April — he  landed  in  New  York  on  the  sixty-fifth  anniversary  of  his 
birth-day — he  was  received  with  an  almost  universal  enthusiasm, 
seldom  accorded  to  political  men. 

In  Jtme,  1856,  Mr.  Buchanan  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic 
Convention  at  Cincinnati  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency ;  and 
although  there  were  powerful  political  elements  arrayed  against  him 
in  the  succeeding  campaign,  he  was  triumphantly  elected  to  that 
responsible  and  honorable  ofiBce 


PlatiOim  of  the  Three  Political  Parlies,  1856.  13 J 


PLATFORM  OF  TIIE  AIVIERICAN  PARTY. 

T.  An  humble  ackntjwledirment  to  Ibe  Supreme  3eiii;»  who  rukb 
«ne  universe,  for  His  ;)i'otecting  care  vouchsared  lo  our  Ikthors  iii  tlieir 
revolutionary  struggle,  aud  hitherto  mauilested  to  us,  their  descend- 
auts,  ill  the  preservation  of  the  liberties,  the  independence  and  the 
union  of  these  states. 

II.  The  perpetuation  of  the  I'oderal  Union,  as  the  palladium  of  our 
civil  and  religious  liberties,  and  the  only  sure  bulwark  of  Americuii 
iudej)endenee. 

III.  Americans  mxc^t  rule  America,  and  to  this  end,  native-hora 
citizens  should  be  selected  for  all  state,  federal  or  municipal  offices  ot 
government  employment,  in  preference  to  naturalized  citizens — iicvcr- 
tfteless, 

IV.  Persons  born  of  American  parents  residing  temporarily  abroad, 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  native-born  citizens  ;  but 

V.  No  person  should  be  selected  for  political  station  (whether  of 
native  or  foreign  birth),  who  recognises  any  alliance  or  obligation  of 
any  description  to  any  foreign  prince,  potentate  or  power,  who  refuses 
to  recognise  the  federal  and  state  constitutions  (each  within  its 
sphere),  as  paramount  to  all  other  laws,  as  rules  of  particular  action. 

VI.  The  umiualified  recognition  and  maintenance  of  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  several  states,  and  the  cultivation  of  harmony  and  frater- 
nal gocd-will  between  the  citizens  of  the  several  states,  and  to  this 
end,  non-interference  by  Congress  with  questions  appertaining  solely 
to  the  individual  states,  and  non-intervention  by  each  state  with  the 
affairs  of  any  other  state. 

VII.  The-recognition  of  the  right  of  the  native-born  and  naturalized 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  permanently  residing  in  any  territory 
thereof,  to  frame  their  constitution  and  laws,  and  to  regulate  their 
domestic  and  social  affairs  in  their  own  mode,  subject  only  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Federal  Constitution,  with  the  right  of  admission  into 
the  Union  whenever  they  have  the  requisite  population  for  one  repre- 
sentative in  Congress.  Provided  always,  that  none  but  those  who  are 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  thereof, 
and  who  have  fixed  residence  in  any  such  territory,  ought  to  partici- 
pate in  the  fonnatiou  of  the  constitution,  or  in  the  enactment  of  lawe 
for  said  territory  or  state. 

VIII.  An  enforcement  of  the  principle  that  no  state  or  territory  can 
admit  others  than  native-born  citizens  to  the  right  of  suffrage,  or  of 
holding  political  ofBce,  unless  such  persons  shall  have  been  naturalized 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

IX.  A  change  in  the  laws  of  naturalization,  making  a  continued 
residence  of  twenty-one  years,  of  all  not  heretofore  provided  for,  an 
indispensable   requisite   for  citizenship  heieafter,   and  excluding  all 

aupers  and  persons  convicted  of  crime  from  landing  on  our  shores  j 


I 


ut  no  interference  with  the  vested  rights  of  foreigners. 


140  PLATFORM    OF    tHE    AMERICAN    PARTY. 

X.  Opposition  to  any  union  between  Church  and  State  ;  no  inl.^ 
ference  with  the  religious  faith  or  worship,  and  no  tost  oaths  for  office, 
except  those  indicated  in  the  5th  section  of  this  platform. 

XI.  Free  and  thorough  investigation  into  any  and  all  alleged  abuses 
of  public  functionaries,  and  a   strict  economy  in  public  expenditures. 

XII.  The  maintenance  and  enforcement  of  all  laws  until  said  laws 
shall  be  repealed,  or  shall  be  declared  null  and  void  by  competent 
judicial  authority. 

XIII.  Oppositiou  to  the  reckless  and  unwise  policy  of  the  present 
administration  in  the  general  management  of  our  national  affairs,  and 
more  especially  as  shown  in  removing  '•  Americans"  (by  designation) 
and  consevatives  in  principle,  from  office,  and  placing  foreigners  and 
ultraists  in  their  places  ;  as  shown  in  a  truckling  subserviency  to  the 
stronger,  and  an  insolent  and  cowardly  bravado  towards  the  weaker 
powers  ;  as  shown  in  re-opening  sectional  agitation,  by  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  ;  as  shown  in  granting  to  unnaturalized 
foreigners  the  right  of  suffrage  iu  Kansas  and  Nebraska  ;  as  shown  in 
its  vacillating  course  on  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  question  ;  as  shown 
in  the  removal  of  Judge  Bronson  from  the  Collectorship  of  New  York 
upon  false  and  untenable  grounds  ;  as  shown  in  the  corruptions  which 
pervade  some  of  the  departments  of  the  governments  ;  as  shown  in 
disgracing  meritorious  naval  officers  through  prejudice  or  caprice ;  aa 
shown  in  the  blundering  mismanagement  of  our  foreign  relations. 

XIV.  Therefore,  to  remedy  existing  evils,  and  prevent  the  disastroua 
consequences  otherwise  resulting  therefrom,  we  would  build  up  the 
"  American  party"  upon  the  principles  hereinbefore  stated,  eschewing 
all  sectional  questions,  and  uniting  upon  those  purely  national,  and 
admitting  into  said  party  all  American  citizens  (referred  to  in  the  3d, 
4th,  and  5tb  sections)  who  openly  avow  the  |)rinciples  and  opinions 
heretofore  expressed,  and  who  will  subscribe  their  names  to  this  plat- 
form.— Provided,  nevertheless,  that  a  majority  of  those  members 
present  at  any  meeting  of  a  local  council  where  an  applicant  appliea 
for  membership  in  the  American  party,  may,  for  acy  reason  by  theai 
deemed  sufficient,  deny  admission  to  such  applicant. 

XV.  A  free  and  open  discussion  of  all  political  pf  in«ipfc»  wmbraoed 
ir  cor  platform. 


PLATFORM    OF   THE    DEMOCRATIC    PARTY.  141 


PLATFORM   OF   THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

At  the  Democratic  Convention  held  in  Cincinnati  in  June  last,  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  submitted  the  following  resolutions,  which 
were  adopted  as  the  Democratic  Platform  : 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their  trust  in  the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the 
American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  of  our  politi- 
cal creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before  the  world,  as  the 
great  moral  element  in  a  form  of  government  springing  from  and 
upheld  by  the  popular  will,  and  we  contrast  it  with  the  creed  and 
practice  of  Federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form,  which  seeks  to 
palsy  the  will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too 
monstrous  for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  therefore.  That  entertaining  these  views,  the  Democratic 
party  of  this  Union,  through  their  delegates  assembled  in  a  general 
Convention,  coming  together  in  a  spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to  the 
doctrines  and  faith  of  a  free  representative  government,  and  appealing 
to  their  fellow-citizens  for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  renew  and 
re-assert  before  the  American  people  the  declarations  of  principles 
avowed  by  them  when  on  former  occasions,  in  general  Convention^ 
they  have  presented  their  candidates  for  popular  sufirages. 

I.  That  the  federal  government  is  one  of  limited  power,  derived 
solely  from  the  Constitution ;  and  the  grants  of  power  made  therein 
onght  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  departments  and  agents  of 
the  government ;  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

n.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  general  gov- 
ernment the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general  system  of 
internal  improvements. 

III.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon  the  fed- 
eral government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of  the 
several  states,  contracted  for  local  and  internal  improvements,  or  other 
state  purposes,  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  or  expedient. 

IV.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal  government  to 
foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  any  other,  or  to 
cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of 
our  common  country ;  that  every  citizen  and  every  section  of  the 
country  has  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights 
and  privileges,  and  to  complete  and  ample  protection  of  persons  and 
property  from  domestic  violence  or  foreign  aggression. 

V.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  government  to  enforce 
and  practice  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public  affairs, 
and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to  defray 
the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government,  and  for  the  gradual,  but 
certain  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 


142  PLATFOilil    OF    THE   DKMOGRATIC   PARTY 

TI.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be  sacredly 
appiic<?  „o  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  Constitution  ;  and  that 
we  are  opposed  to  any  law  lor  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among 
the  states,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repugnant  to  the  Consti- 
tution. 

VII.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a  national  bank ;  that 
we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  country,  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions  and  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated  to  place  the  business  of  the 
country  within  the  control  of  a  concentrated  money  power,  and  above 
the  laws  and  the  will  of  the  people  ;  and  that  the  results  of  democratic 
legislation  in  this  and  all  other  financial  measures  upon  which  issues 
have  been  made  between  the  two  political  parties  of  the  country,  have 
demonstrated  to  candid  and  practical  men  of  all  parties,  then-  sound- 
Bess,  safety  and  utility,  in  all  business  pursuits. 

YIII.  That  the  separation  of  the  monies  of  the  government  from 
banking  institutions  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the 
government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

IX.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from  the  President 
the  qualified  veto  power,  by  which  he  is  enabled,  under  restrictions 
and  responsibilities  amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  public  interests,  to 
suspend  the  passage  of  a  bill  whose  merits  cannot  secure  the  approval 
of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  until  the 
judgment  of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has  saved 
the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  tyrannical  domination  of 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  from  a  corrupting  system  of  gen- 
eral internal  improvements. 

X.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Constitution,  which  makes 
ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  every 
nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the  democratic  faith,  and 
every  attempt  to  abridge  the  privilege  of  becoming  citizens  and  the 
owners  of  soil  among  us,  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same  spirit 
which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our  statute  books. 


And  Whereas,  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was  uniformly 
adopted  by  our  predecessors  in  National  Conventions,  an  adverse 
political  and  religious  test  has  been  secretly  organized  by  a  party 
claiming  to  be  exclusively  American,  it  is  proper  that  the  American 
Democracy  should  clearly  define  it  relations  thereto,  and  declare  its 
determined  opposition  to  all  secret  political  societies,  by  whatever 
name  they  may  be  called. 

Resolved,  That  the  foundation  of  this  union  of  states  having  been 
laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  expansion,  and  pre-eminent  example  in  free 
government  built  upon  entire  freedom  in  matters  of  religious  concern- 
ment, and  no  respect  of  person  in  regard  to  rank  or  place  of  birth  :  no 


,  PLATFORM    OF    ThE    DEMOCRATIC    PARTY.  143 

party  can  justly  be  deemed  national,  constitutional,  or  in  accordance 
with  American  principles,  'whicw  bases  it'?  exclusive  organization  upon 
religious  opinions  and  accidenti.1  birth-place.  And  hence  a  political 
crusade  in  the  nineteenth  ce>tlnry,  and  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  against  Catholics  ano  foreign-born,  is  neither  justified  by  the 
past  history  or  the  future  pros  jects  of  the  country,  nor  in  unison  with 
che  spirit  of  toleration  and  t  nlarged  freedom  which  peculiarly  distin- 
jfuishes  the  American  system  of  popular  government. 

Resolved,  That  w^e  reiterate  with  renewed  energy  of  purpose,  the 
well-considered  declarations  of  former  Conventions  upon  the  sectional 
issue  cf  Domestic  Slavery,  and  concerning  the  i-eserved  rights  of  the 
states  : 

1.  Thot  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution,  to  interfere 
with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  states,  and  that 
such  states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  appertaining 
to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution  ;  that  all  efforts 
of  the  abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere 
with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto, 
are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  conse 
quences ;  and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  tt 
diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stability  aud 
permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by  auy 
friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  was  intended  to 
embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress ;  and 
therefore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national 
platform,  will  abide  by  aud  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts 
known  as  the  Compromise  Mt-asures,  settled  by  the  Congress  of  1850  ; 
"  the  act  lor  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor,"  included  ; 
which  act  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  Con- 
stitution, cauuot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed,  or  so  changed 
as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing 
in  Congress,  or  out  of  it.  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under 
whatever  shape  or  colur  the  attempt  may  be  made. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  I'aithfully  abide  by  and  uphold 
the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of 
1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia  Legislature, 
in  1799  ;  that  it  adopts  those  principles  as  constituting  one  of  the 
main  foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry  them 
out  in  their  obvious  meanuag  and  import 


And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on  which  a  sectional 

Earty,  subsisting  exclusively  on  slavery  agitation  now  relies,  to  test  the 
delity  of  the  people,  Xorth  and  South,  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union  : 

1.  Resolved.  That  claiming  fellowship  with,  and  desiring  the  co-oper 


144  rLATFORM    OF    IHE   DEMOCRATIC    PARTY.  » 

atioii  of  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under  the  Oort 
stitution  as  the  paramount  issue — and  repudiating  all  sectional  parties 
and  platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery,  whicii  seek  to  embroil  tha 
states  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  terri- 
tories ;  and  whose  avowed  purposes,  if  consummated,  must  end  in  civil 
war  and  disunion — the  American  Democracy  recognise  and  adopt  the 
principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws  establishing  the  territories  of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solutiou 
of  the  "  slavery  question  "  upon  which  its  great  national  idea  of  the 
people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose  in  its  determined  conservatism 
of  the  Union — Nox-ixterference  by  Congress  with  Slavery  in 

STATE  AND  TERRITORY,  OR  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OP   COLUMBIA. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  Compromises  of  1850 — confirmed 
by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  in  national  conventions — ■ 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election  of  1852,  and  rightly  applied  to 
the  organization  of  territories  in  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  this  Democratic  principle  to 
the  organization  of  territories,  and  to  the  admission  of  new  states,  with 
or  without  domestic  slavery,  as  they  may  elect — the  eaual  rights  of  all 
the  states  will  be  preserved  intact — the  original  compacts  of  the  Con- 
stitution maintained  inviolato — and  the  perpetuity  and  expansion  of 
this  Union  insured  to  the  utmost  capacity  of  embrt-cing,  in  peace  and 
harmony,  every  future  American  state  that  may  be  constituted  or 
annexed,  with  a  republican  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognise  the  right  of  the  people  of  all  the  terri- 
tories, including  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the  legally  and 
fairly  expressed  will  of  a  majority  of  actual  residents,  and  whenever 
the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it,  to  form  a  constitution,  with 
or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon 
terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the  other  states. 

Resolved,  finally,  That  in  view  of  the  condition  of  popular  institu- 
tions in  the  Old  World,  (and  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  sectional 
agitation,  combined  with  the  attempt  to  enforce  civil  and  religious 
disabilites  against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying  citizenship  in 
our  own  land,)  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved  with  increased 
responsibility  upon  the  Democratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party 
Df  the  Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every  state,  and 
thereby  the  Union  of  the  states  ;  and  to  sustain  and  advance  among 
QS  constitutional  liberty,  bv  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and 
exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the 
many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to  those  principles 
and  compromises  of  the  Constitution  which  are  broad  enough  and 
strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it  was.  the  Union 
as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  the  ener- 
gies and  capacities  of  this  great  and  progressive  people. 

1.  Resolved,  That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  country,  which  are  inferior  to  no  domestic  questions 
Vfhatever.     The  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 


PLATFORM    OF   THK    DEMOCRATIC    PARTT  1^5 

declare  themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas  and  progres^jive  free  trada 
throughout  the  world,  and  by  solemn  manifesialious,  to  place;  their 
moral  influence  at  the  side  of  their  successful  example. 

2.  Resolved,  That  our  geographical  and  political  position  with 
reference  to  other  states  of  this  continent,  no  less  than  the  interest  of 
oui  commerce  and  the  development  of  our  growing  power,  recjulrea 
that  we  should  hold  as  sacred  the  principles  inv(^lved  in  the  Monroe 
doctrine  ;  their  bearing  and  import  admit  of  no  misconstructioa  ;  they 
should  be  applied  with  unbending  rigidity. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  great  highway  which  nature,  as  well  as  the 
assent  of  the  states  most  immediately  interested  in  its  maintenance, 
has  rrjarked  out  for  a  free  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Oceans,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  achievements 
realized  by  a  spirit  of  modern  times,  and  the  unconquerable  energy  of 
our  people.  That  result  should  be  secured  by  a  timely  and  ellicient 
exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to  claim  over  it,  and 
no  power  on  earth  should  be  suffered  to  impede  or  clog  its  progress  by 
any  interference  with  the  relations  it  may  suit  our  policy  to  establish 
between  our  government  and  the  governments  of  the  states  withio 
whose  dominions  it  lies.  We  can,  under  no  circumstance,  surrender 
our  preponderance  in  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  arising  out  of  it. 

4.  Resolved,  That  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  interest,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  cannot  but  sympathize  with  the  efforts  which  are 
being  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  regenei-ate  that  por- 
tion of  the  continent  which  covers  the  passage  across  the  Inter-oceanic 
Isthmus. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  e.xpect  of  the  next 
administration  that  every  proper  efifort  will  be  made  to  insure  our 
ascendancy  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  a  permanent  pro- 
tection in  the  great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into  its  waters 
the  products  raised  out  of  the  soil,  and  the  commodities  created  by 
the  industry  of  the  people  of  our  Western  valleys,  and  of  the  Union 
at  large. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  recognises  the  great  import- 
ance, in  a  political  and  commercial  point  of  view,  of  a  safe  and  speedy 
communication,  by  military  and  postal  roads  through  our  own  terri- 
tory, between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  of  this  Union,  and  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  government  to  exercise  promptly  all 
its  constitutional  power  for  the  attainment  of  that  object. 


146  PLATFORM    OF   THE    BEPUBLICAX    PARTY. 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTI'. 

Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  tlie 
Declaratioa  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, are  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican  institutions, 
and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  states,  and  the 
union  of  the  states,  shall  be  preserved. 

Resolved,  That  with  our  republican  fathers  we  hold  it  to  be  a  self- 
evident  truth,  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  inalienable  right  to 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that  the  primary  object 
and  ulterior  design  o*'  our  federal  government  were,  to  secure  these 
rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive  jurisdiction  ;  that  as  our 
republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national 
territory,  ordained  that  no  person  rihould  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or 
property,  without  due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  maintain 
this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  slavery  in  the  United  States  by  positive 
legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence  or  extension  therein.  That  we 
deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  of  any  indi- 
vidual or  association,  or  individuals,  to  give  legal  assistance  to  slavery 
in  any  territory  of  the  United  States,  while  the  present  Constitution 
shall  be  maintained. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign 
power  over  the  territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  government, 
and  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  both  the  right  and  the  duty 
of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  territories  those  twin  relics  of  bar- 
barism, polygamy  and  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  wag 
ordained  and  established  in  order  to  establish  a  more  perfect  Union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common 
defence,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,  and  contains  ample  pro- 
visions for  the  protection  of  the  life,  liberty,  and  property  of  every 
citizen,  the  dearest  constitutional  rights  of  the  p'eople  of  Kansas  have 
been  fraudulently  and  violently  taken  from  them — their  territory  has 
been  invaded  by  an  armed  force — spurious  and  pretended  legislative, 
judicial  and  executive  officers  have  been  set  over  them,  by  wliose 
usurped  authority,  sustained  by  the  military  power  of  the  government, 
tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  laws  have  been  enacted  and  enforced 
— the  rights  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  have  been  infringed 
— test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary  and  entangling  nature  have  been 
imposed,  as  a  condition  of  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage  and  holding 
olfice — the  right  of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public  trif.l  by 
an  impartial  jury  has  been  denied — the  right  of  the  people  to  be  sccui'O 
in  their  houses,  papers  and  effects  against  unreasonable  searches  and 
seizures  has  been  violated — they  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty, 
and  property  without  due  process  of  law — that  the  Ireedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press  has  been  abridged ~l  he  right  to  choose  their  repre 


PLATFORM    OF   THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY  147 

Bentatives  has  been  made  of  no  effect — murders,  robberies  and  arsons 
have  been  instigated  and  encouraged,  and  the  offenders  have  been 
allowed  to  go  unpunished — that  all  these  things  have  been  done  with 
the  knowledge,  sanction  and  procurement  of  the  present  administra- 
tion, and  that  for  this  high  crime  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union, 
and  humanity,  we  arraign  the  Administration,  the  President,  his 
advisers,  agents,  supportei-s,  apologists  and  accessories,  either  before 
or  after  the  facts,  before  the  country  and  before  the  world,  and  that  it 
is  our  fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  perpetrators  of  these  atrocious  out- 
rages and  their  accomplices  to  a  sure  and  condign  punishment 
hereafter. 

Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately  admitted  as  a  state 
of  the  Union,  with  her  present  free  constitution,  as  at  once  the  most 
effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  enjoyments  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  to  which  they  are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil  strife 
uow  raging  in  her  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman's  plea,  that  "  might  makes  right," 
embodied  in  the  Ostend  circular,  was  in  every  respect  unworthy  of 
American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame  and  dishonor  upon  any 
government  or  people  that  gave  it  their  sanction. 

Resolved,  Th«.t  a  Railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  by  the  most  cen- 
tral and  practical  route,  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  interests  of 
the  whole  country,  and  that  the  federal  government  ought  to  render 
immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  cons4;ruction  ;  and  as  an  auxiliary 
thereto,  the  immediate  construction  of  an  emigrant  route  on  the  line 
of  the  railroad. 

Resolved.  That  a-ppropriations  by  Congress  for  the  improvement  of 
rivers  and  harbors,  ol'  a  national  character,  required  for  the  accommo- 
dation and  security  of  our  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the 
Constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of  government  to  protect 
the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

Resolved,  Thai  we  invite  the  affiliation  and  co-operation  of  the  men 
of  all  parties,  however  different  from  us  in  other  respects,  in  support 
of  the  principles  herein  declared  ;  believing  that  the  spirit  of  our  insti- 
tntion=,  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country,  guarantees  liberty 
of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights  among  citizens  who  oppose  all 
l^ahition  impairing  their  security. 


148  THE    COifGRESS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  U]SHTED  STATES 

Consists  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and  must 
assemble  at  least  once  every  year,  on  the  first  Monday  of  December, 
unless  otherwise  provided  by  law. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  is  ex  officio  President  of 
the  Senate,  and  has  a  casting  vote  in  case  of  an  equal  division.  In 
his   absence,  a  President  pro  tern,  is  chosen  from  among  the  members. 

The  Senate  comprises  two  members  from  each  state,  (now  number- 
ing of  course  62,)  who  are  chosen  by  the  state  legislatures  for  the 
term  of  six  years — one-third  biennially. 

The  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  (limited  by  law  to 
the  number  of  233)  are  elected  by  the  people  for  the  term  of  two 
yeai's,  and  are  apportioned  among  the  dififerent  states,  according  to 
population,  in  the  following  manner  :  After  each  decennial  enumera- 
tion, the  aggregate  representative  population  of  the  United  States 
is  ascertained  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  by  adding  to  the  whole 
number  of  free  persons  in  all  the  states,  including  those  bound  to 
service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three- 
fifths  of  all  other  persons.  This  aggregate  is  divided  by  233,  and 
the  quotient,  rejecting  fractions,  if  any,  is  the  rates  of  apportionment. 
The  representative  population  of  each  state  is  then  ascertained  in 
the  same  manner,  and  is  divided  by  the  above-named  ratio,  the  quo- 
tient giving  the  upportionraent  of  representatives  to  each  state.  The 
loss  by  fractions  is  compensated  for  by  assigning  to  as  many  states 
having  the  largest  fractiocs  as  may  be  necessary  to  make  the  whole 
number  of  representatives  233,  one  additional  member  each  for  its 
fraction.  If,  after  the  apportionment,  new  states  are  admitted,  repre- 
sentatives are  assigned  to  such  states  on  the  above  basis,  in  addition 
to  the  limited  number  of  233 ;  but  such  excess  continues  only  until 
the  next  apportionment  under  the  succeeding  census.  When  the  ap- 
portionment is  completed,  the  Secretary  sends  a  certificate  thereof  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  to  the  Governors  of  the  states  a 
certificate  of  the  number  apportioned  to  each  state. 

The  present  number  of  representatives  is  234,  an  additional  one 
Being  assigned  to  California  by  the  act  of  July  30,  1852.  There  are, 
besides,  seven  delegates — one  each  from  Oregon,  Minnesota,  Utah, 
New  Mexico,  "Washington,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska — who  have  a  right 
to  speak,  but  no  vote. 

Since  the  4th  of  March,  1817,  the  compensation  of  senators  and 
representatives  has  been  ^8  a-day  duringthe  period  of  attendance  in 
Congress,  without  deduction  in  case  of  sickness ;  and  $8  for  every 
twenty  miles'  travel,  in  the  usual  road,  in  going  to  or  returning  from 
the  seat  of  government.  The  President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tem.  and 
the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  each  receive  double  thif 
sum.  At  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress,  however,  an 
act  was  passed,  fixing  the  pay  of  members  at  §3,000  per  annum,  bu\ 
the  rates  of  mileage  were  left  undisturbed.    , 


1149] 
IMPORTANT     EVENTS 

IN 

AMEEICAI  HISTORY. 

EMBRACING    A    PERIOD    OF  250    YEARS,    FROM   THE    FIRST 

SETTLEMENT     OF    THE     COUNTRY    TO    THE     PRESENT 

TIME ARRANGED  IN  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER. 

1606.  A  charter  granted  to  a  company  in  England  for  the  settlement  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  a  colony  dispatched,  who  landed  at  Jamestown,  and  chose  EdwarC 
Wingfield  ruler. 

1607.  Soon  after  their  arrival,  Captain  John  Smith  and  others  visited  the 
native  chief,  Powhatan,  at  his  principal  residence,  near  the  present  site  of 
Richmond. — Wingfield  was  deposed,  and  Smith  appointed  in  his  place  ;  but 
he  was  soon  after  captured  by  the  Indians,  and  detained  among  them  for 
some  time.  He  was  about  to  be  slain  by  the  savages,  when  Pocahontas,  a 
favorite  daughter  of  Powhatan's,  rushed  between  him  and  the  clubs  of  hii 
enemies,  and  finally  saved  his  life. 

1608.  When  Smith  returned ,  he  found  the  colonists  in  a  very  bad  condition; 
after  alleviating  it  as  far  as  practicable,  he  explored  the  Chesapeake  Bay 
and  its  tributary  rivers. 

1609.  A  new  charter  granted  to  the  London  Company  enlarging  their  limits, 
&c.,  and  Lord  De  la  War  appointed  Governor  for  life. 

1610.  In  consequence  of  being  injured  by  an  explosion  of  powder,  Capt.  Smith 
returned  to  England,  delagating  his  authority  to  George  Percy — Lord  De  la 
War  arrived  just  as  the  colonist  were  about  leaving  for  England,  after  having 
greatly  suffered  from  disease  and  famine — A  few  Dutch  traders  settled  in 
New  Amsterdam,  now  New  York  City. 

1611.  Under  the  new  governor,  order  and  contentment  were  again  restored  ; 
but  his  health  rapidly  failing,  he  returned  home,  and  Percy  again  administered 
the  government  until  the  arrival  of  Sir' Thomas  Daly,  by  whom  he' was  super- 
seded. 

1612.  The  king  granted  the  London  Company  another  new  charter,  making 
important  changes  in  the  powers  of  the  corporation,  but  not  affecting  the 
political  rights  of  the  colonists. 

3613.  John  Rolfe,  a  young  English  officer,  married  Pocahontas,  an  event  which 
had  a  beneficial  influence  on  the  relations  of  the  colonists  and  Indians. 

1614-16.  Gov.  Dale  returned  to  England,  after  appointing  George  Yeardley  in 
his  place.  The  culture  of  tobacco  was  introduced,  and  soon  became,  not 
only  tbe  principal  article  of  export,  but  even  the  currency  of  the  colony.  The 
Dutch  began  a  settlement  in  Albany,  N.  Y. 

1617.  Yeardley  was  displaced  for  a  short  time  by  Argall,  who  ruled  with  such 
tyranny  and  injustice  as  led  to  the  reinstatement  of  the  former. 

1619.  The  first  colonial  assembly  ever  convened  in  America  was  held  at 
Jumfestown. 

i620.  In  August,  a  Dutch  man-of-war  landed  twenty  negroes  for  sale  at  James 
town  which  was  the  commencement  of  negro  slavery  in  the  colonies. — Ninety 


160  CHKON'OLOGICAL    HI3T0RY. 

young  women  of  respectable  character  were  sent  from  England  as  wives  foi 
the  colonists,  the  price3  for  whom  were  tixed  at  from  120  to  150  pounds  of 
tobacco. — Dec.  21,  a  body  of  Paritans,  dissenters  from  the  Church  of  England, 
landed  at  Plymouth,  and  commenced  the  settlement  of  New  England. 

1621.  The  London  Company  granted  to  the  VirgiDia  coleny  a  written  constitu- 

;ion A.  treaty  of  Iriendship  was  concluded  between  the  Puntans  and  th« 

principal  chief  of  the  Massachusetts  tribe  (Massascit) .  and  similar  treaties 
concluded  with  other  chiefs. 

1622.  April  1st,  347  men,  women  and  children  of  the  Virginia  colony  were 
savagely  butchered  by  treacherous  Indians;  but  Jamestown  acd  the  neigh- 
boring settlements  were  saved  by  the  plot  being  revealed,  the  evening  belore 
its  intended  consummation,  by  a  friendly  Indian,  thus  putting  the  inhabitants 
on  their  guard. 

1623.  Miles  Standish  saves  the  settlement  of  Weymouth,  Ma^s.,  from  destruc- 
tion by  the  Indiana,  and  kills  their  chief.— First  settlement  formed  at  Dorer, 
New  Hampshire. 

1624.  The  London  Company  was  dissolved,  and  King  James  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Virginia  colony. — New  Jersey  settled  by  the  Dutch. 

1627.    Delaware  settled  by  Swedes  and  Danes. 

1635.  Maryland  settled  by  Irish  Catholica,  and  Connecticut  settled  by  a  branch 
of  Puritans  from  Massachusetts. 

1636.  Rhnde  Island  settled  by  Eoger  Williams,  who  was  banished  for  his  liberal 
religious  sentiments  by  the  Paritans  of  Massachusetts. 

1637.  The  magistrates  of  the  three  infant  towns  of  Connecticut — Windsoi. 
Hartford,  and  Wethersfield — formally  declared  war  against  the  Pequod  Indians, 

1643.  The  colonies  of  Masachusetts,  Connecticut,  Plymouth,  and  New  Haven, 
form  themselves  into  ojie  confederacy,  by  the  name  of  '•  United  Colonies  of 
New  England." 

1644.  Another  Indian  massacre  in  Virginia,  followed  by  a  border  warfare, 
which  continued  about  two  years. 

1648.  An  individual  accused  of  witchcraft  was  executed  at  Charlestown,  and 
for  several  years  after  (until  1793)  numerous  others  suffered  imprisonment 
and  death  for  the  like  alleged  crime. 

1650.    North  Carolina  settled  by  the  English. 

1656.  First  arrival  of  Quakers  in  Ma?sachusett?,  who  were  sent  back  to  Eng 
land  in  the  ve.-sels  in  which  they  came,  and  the  four  united  colonies  concurred 
in  a  law  prohibiting  their  introduction  ;  notwithstanding  all  which,  they  con- 
tinned  to  arrive. 

1658.  By  advice  of  commissioners  of  the  four  colonies,  the  legislature  of  Mas- 
sachusetts denounced  the  punishment  of  death  upon  all  Quakers- returning 
from  banishment. 

16'»0.  Sir  William  Berkely  elected  Governor  by  the  people-flf  Virginia,  bat  he 
alterwards  disclaimed  the  authority  to  which  he  owed  his  elevation,  and 
issued  writs  for  an  assembly  in  the  name  of  King  Charles  II. 

1661.  Edward  Whalley  and  William  GoSe.  two  of  the  judges  who  had  con- 
demned Charles  I.  to  death,  arrived  at  Boston,  and  were  kindly  received  by 
the  people.  Messengers  were  sent  to  arrest  them,  but  they  were  concealed 
and  ended  their  days  in  New  England. 

1663.  North  Carolina  settled  by  colonists  from  Virginia,  near  tHe  village  of 
Edenton. 

1664.  An  Eoglish  force,  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  whole  territory  from 
the  Connecticut  River  to  the  shores  of  the  Delaware,  captured  "  New  Amster 
dam  "  from  the  Datch,  and  changed  its  naone  to  "  New  York.' 


CHRJXOLOGICAL    HISTORY.  151 

1670.    South  Carolina  settled  b}'  the  Haguenots. 

1G73.  The  Virginians  remonstrated  againtst  the  nnjnst  taxation  on  their  rom- 
mercidl  business,  but  obtained  no  ledres^. — Tbe  Episcopal  Church  l>ei:aine 
the  religion  of  the  Srale.  A  war  having  broke  out  between  EDglacd  and 
H.)lland.  the  Dutch  reconquered  New  York,  but  it  was  agaiu  surrendered  to 
tbe  Eoglish  the  jear  following. 

1675.  Tlie  war  with  the  Wampanoags  and  other  tribes,  commonly  called 
'•  King  Philip's  War, "  commenced,  and  was  marked  by  mi;ch  barbaiity. 

1676.  King  Philip  was  shot  by  a  faithless  Indian  of  his  own  tribe,  but  this  did 
nut  end  the  war,  which  was  CMntinued  till  1678.  when  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded. — The  peojile  of  Virginia,  led  by  Nathaniel  Bacon,  took  up  arms  in 
defence  of  their  rights. 

1677.  Massachusetts  purchased  the  profince  of  Maine  from  the  heirs  of  Gorges« 
16S0.  New  Hampshire  was  .separated  from  Massacliusetts  by  a  royal  commis- 
sion, and  made  a  royal  province  ;  but  the  first  law  adopted  by  the  legislature, 
which  soon  after  met  at  Portsmouth,  declared  "  That  no  act,  imposition,  law, 
or  ordinance,  should  be  made  or  imposed  upon  them  but  such  as  should  be 
made  by  the  assembly,  and  approved  by  the  President  and  Council." 

1685.  Pennsylvania  settled  by  Wm.  Penn,  who  founded  Philadelphia  the  yeai 
following. 

1686.  The  charter  government  of  Massachusetts  was  revoked,  and  the  King 
appointed  a  President  over  the  country  from  Xarragansett  to  Nova  Scotia. 

1637.  Governor  Andros  attempted  to  reclaim  the  charter  granted  to  Connect! 
cut.  but  it  was  secretly  taken  from  the  assembly  chamber  at  Hartford  by  Capt 
Wadsworth  while  the  subject  was  under  discus^ion,  and  hidden  in  a  h'lliow 
tree,  since  celebrated  as  the  Charter  Oak,  which  was  an  object  of  curiosity 
until  1856,  when  it  was  blown  down. 

1689.  "  King  William's  War"  with  France  began,  and  was  continued  till  1697, 
during  which  all  the  English  colonies  suffered  by  ravages  of  the  French  and 
Indians. 

1690.  The  people  of  New  Hampshire  took  the  government  into  their  own 
bands,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  prote':tion  of  Massachusetts. — The 
conquest  of  Canada  was  undertaken  by  the  people. o^'  New  England  and  New 
York  acting  in  concert.  An  armament,  under  Sir  William  Phipps,  made  aa 
•jnsuccessful  demonstration  against  Quebec,  and  then  returned  to  Bosti'D. 
The  first  emission  of  bills  of  credit  in  the  colonies  was  made  by  Massachr.seits 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  this  expedition. 

1701.  "  Queen  Anne's  War,"  waged  against  France  and  Spain,  was  commenced 
this  year,  and  only  terminated  in  1713  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

1733.  Georgia  settled  by  Gen.  Odethorpe,  who  landed  at  Savannah  with  about 
120  emigrants,  and  began  building  the  town. 

1741.  A  supposed  negro  plot  occasioned  great  excitement  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  between  30  and  40  persons  were  executed  before  it  subsided. — The 
provinces  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  were  separated. 

1744.  "  King  George's  War,"  which  originated  in  European  disputes  relative  to 
Austria,  again  gave  the  French  and  Indians  many  opportunitie-V'f  harassing 
the  colonists.  The  most  important  event  of  the  war  in  America  was  tbe 
siege  and  capture  of  Louisburg,  which  was  restored  to  France  in  174S  by  the 
treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

J''54.  "  The'French  and  Indian  War,"  arising  from  disputed  claims  to  Ameri- 
can territory  by  the  English  and  French,  again  plunged  the  colonies  in  diffi- 
culties, and  materially  injured  their  prosperity,  until  1763,  when  oeace  wa» 
concluded. 

»759.    Qaeb«c  surrendered  to  the  English  forces  under  Gen.  Wolfe,  who  was 


152  CHRONOLOGICAL   HISTORT. 

killed  on  the  battle  field,  and  all  the  other  French  posts  in  Canada  were  cap 
tured  soon  after. 

1764.  A  resolution  imposing  certain  stamp  duties  on  the  colonies  was  adopted 
by  the  House  of  Commons,  but  it  did  not  become  a  law  till  next  year. 

1765.  A  general  indignation  spread  through  the  colonies  when  it  was  known 
that  the  "  Stamp  Act"  had  passed.  At  Boston  and  Philadelphia  the  bella 
were  muffled,  and  rung  a  funeral  peal ;  and  at  New  York  the  Act  was  carried 
tiirough  the  streets,  with  a  death's-head  affixed  to  it,  and  styled  "  The  folly 
of  England  and  the  ruin  of  America."  The  stamps  themselves,  in  many 
places,  were  seized  and  destroyed,  and  the  doctrine  that  England  had  no  right 
to  tax  America  was  boldly  avowed — The  first  Colonial  Congress  met  in 
New  York,  nine  colonies  being  represented, and  agreed  on  a  "Declaration  of 
Eights,"  and  other  energetic  measures 

1766.  The  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  through  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Pitt. 

1767.  Parliament  passed  a  bill  imposing  a  duty  on  glass,  paper,  painters' 
colors,  and  tea,  which  occasion"d  as  much  excitement  as  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
the  colonial  assemblies  adopted  spirited  resolutions  for  resisting  its  operation. 

1768.  A  vessel  was  seized  by  the  custom  house  officers  in  Boston  for  violating 
some  of  the  odious  commercial  restrictions,  bufthe  people  compelled  them  to 
abandon  their  prize,  and  seek  refuge  in  Castle  William. 

1770.  In  March,  an  aflray  occurred  in  Boston  between  some  citizens  and  the 
soldiery  stationed  there,  which  produced  a  great  sensation  throughout  Ameri- 
ca.— Parliament  passed  a  bill  repealing  all  duties  imposed  by  the  act  of  1767, 
except  that  on  tea,  which  they  allowed  the  British  East  India  Company  to 
export  to  America ,  free  from  the  duties  which  they  had  before  paid  in  England^ 

1773.  The  ports  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  were  c'osed  against  vessels 
having  cargoes  of  tea,  and  they  were  compelled  to  return  to  England.  At 
Boston,  a  party  of  men,  disguised  as  Indians,  boarded  several  vessels,  and 
broke  open  342  cheats  of  tea,  which  they  emptied  into  the  harbor  in  the  pres- 
ence of  thousands  of  spectators. 

1774.  Parliament  passed  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  which  forbade  the  landing  and 
shippingof  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  at  Boston.  The  provincial  assem- 
bly resolved  that  "  the  impolicy,  injustice,  inhumanity,  and  cruelty  of  the 
act  exceeded  all  their  powers  of  expression." 

1775.  An  oppressive  bill  was  passed  by  Parliament,  restricting  the  commerce 
of  all  the  provinces,  except  New  York  and  North  Carolina.  The  inhabitants 
of  Massachusetts  were  declared  rebels,  and  10,000  troops  were  ordered  to 
America,  to  aid  !n  reducing  the  rebellious  colonies. — April  19.  The  first  blood 
in  the  cau.se  of  Independence  was  shed  at  Lexington,  about  ten  miles  from 
Boston,  where  a  party  of  militia  intercepted  a  division  of  Enght-h  soldiers 
on  their  way  to  Concord  for  the  purpose  of  desti-oying  some  military  stores 
which  the  people  had  collected  there.  At  Concord,  a  smart  skirmish  took 
place,  and  the  British  made  a  hasty  retreat,  after  partially  accomplishing 

their  object May  10.  The  Continental  Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia, 

and,  after  electing  John  Hancock  president  of  the  body,  among  other  impor- 
tant measures,  voted  to  raise  an  army  of  20,000  men. — June  17.  A  sanguinary 
battle  took  place  on  Breed's  Hill,  (generally  now  regarded  as  Bunker  Hill,) 
in  which  the  British  were  severely  cut  up,  but  they  finally  gained  possession 
of  the  hill,  the  Americans  retiring  across  Charlcstown  Neck  with  incon- 
Biderable  loss. — July  12.  Washington,  having  been  appointed  commander  in- 
chief,  arrived  at  Cambridge,  and  entered  upon  his  duties. — Georgia  joined  the 
confederation  ;  after  which,  the  style  of  the  "  Thirteen  United  Colonies"  was 
adopted. — Ma.  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  the  Americans  for  the  con- 
quest of  Canada,  in  which  Gen.  Montgomery  was  killed  during  an  assault  on 
Quebec  (Dec.  31),  and  a  portion  of  his  troops  were  taken  prisoners. 

1776.  March  4.  Gen.  Washington  gained  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights,  and 


CHBONOLOGICAL    HISTOKY.  153 

the  British  left  Boston  on  the  17th.— June  18.  Canada  evacuated  by  the 
Americans. — July  4.  The  Declaration  of  Indepknpence,  by  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  at  Philadelphia,  was  proclaimed,  and  hailed  with  gieat 
rejoicings. — August  27.  Battle  of  Long  I.^land,  in  which  the  Americans  were 
defeated,  but  Washington  m^de  an  admirable  retreat  to  New  York  on  the 
29th,  and  thence  across  Jersej' to  Philadelphia,  where  Congress  was  in  ses- 
sion.— Dec.  12.  Congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore,  and  soon  after  invested 
Washington  with  almost  unlimited  powers. — Dec.  26.  Washington  having 
»mid  great  perils  recrossed  the  Delaware  on  the  previous  night,  surprised  and 
aaptured  a  large  body  of  He-.*ians  at  Trenton,  and  returned  to  Pennsylvania, 
with  his  prisoners.— Dec.  28.  Washington  took  post  at  Trenton. 

1  t7.  Jaai.  3.  Finding  himself  nearly  surrounded  by  a  force  far  superior  to 
his  own,  Washington  kindled  his  camp-lires  as  usual  to  deceive  the  enemy, 
ftnd  then  by  a  circuitous  route  rapidly  advanced  upon  Princeton,  where  he 
gained  another  important  victory. — In  the  spring,  the  Marquis  de  la  Faj^ette 
arrived  in  Americi  from  France,  having  fitted' O'lt  a  vessel  at  his  own  ex- 
pense, and  e'alisted  as  a  volunteer  in  the  army  of  Washington,  declining  all 
pay  for  his  services  ;  but  Congress,  which  had  returned  to  Philadelphia,  soon 
after  appointed  him  a  Major-General. — May  6.  Gen.  Burgoyne,  with  a  power- 
fnl  force,  designed  to  invade  the  States  by  the  way  of  Lake  Champlam  and 
the  Hudson,  arriv^^d  at  Quebec  ;  and  on  the  16th  of  June  he  left  St.  Johns  for 

Crown  Point,  whore  he  established  magazines June  30.   The  British  army, 

cnder  General  Howe,  passed  over  to  Staten  Island,  leaving  Washington  in 
possession  of  New  Jersey -^July  5.  Gen.  St.  Clair  abandoned  Ticonderoga, 
retreating  before  Burgoyue's  forces,  with  whom  he  hud  a  severe  skirmish  at 
Hubbardton,  and  finally  succeeded  in  joining  Gen.  Schuyler  on  the  Hudson, 
having  lost  200  pieces  of  artillery  and  a  large  qnantity  of  stores. — July  10. 
Col.  Barton,  with  about  forty  militia,  seized  the  Commander  of  the  English 
forces  in  Rhode  Island,  (Major-General  Prescott,)  while  in  bed, and  conducted 
him  safely  through  his  own  troops  and  fleet  back  to  the  mainland.  This 
heroic  exploit  not  only  cheered  the  American  army,  but  secured  an  officer  of 
equal  rank  to  exchange  for  Geu.  I.ee  — August  16  Battle  of  Benniugton,  in 
which  the  America'  s,  led  by  Colonel  Stark,  obtained  an  important  victory 
over  Colonel  Bium,  who  had  been  seat  by  General  Burgojne  to  seize  some 
stores  at  that  place — Sept.  11.  Bat'le  of  the  Brandywine.  in  which  Count 
Pulaski,  a  brave  Polander, ',pho  had  .-nagnanimously  joined  the  Americans, 
distinguished  himself,  and  w.as  soon  afv^i  piomoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier, 
with  the  command  of  the  cavalry.  Gen.  Lafayette  was  severely  wounded 
while  endeavoring  to  rally  the  fugitive.-;. — Stpt.  13.  Burgoyne  crossed  the 
Hudson  with  his  whole  army,  and  took  a  podtion  on  the  heights  and  plains  of 
Saratoga Sept.  26.  The  British  army,  uh.dor  Gen.  Howe,  entered  Philadel- 
phia without  further  opposition.  Congress  having  previously  adjourned  to 
Lancaster Oct.  4.  Washington  attacked  a  large  British  force  at  German- 
town,  and  was  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  1,200  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners. — Oct.  17.  Burgoyne,  finding  himself  surrounded,  and  despairing  of 
relief,  surrendered  his  army  to  Gen.  Gates,  who  had  recently  been  appoiutert 
to  the  command  of  the  Northern  division,  whereby  the  Americans  acquired 
a  fine  train  of  brass  artillery,  6,000  muskets,  and  immense  quantities  of  other 
munitions  of  war. — Oct.  22.  A  plan  of  confederation  was  adopted  by  Congress, 
which,  however,  amounted  to  little  more  than  a  league  of  friendship  between 
the  states. — Dec.  11.  Washington  retired  into  winter-quarters  at  Valley  Forge. 

1778.  In  February,  Parliament  passed  two  bills,  virtually  conceding  all  that 
had  been  the  cause  of  controversy,  and  sent  commissioners  to  adju.st  existing 
differences  ;  they  attempted  to  gain  their  objects  by  private  intrigue  and 
bribery,  which  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  Congress,  that  bodv  declared  it 
incompatible  with  their  honor  to  hold  any  intercourse  with  them. — Fel).  6. 
France  acknowledged  the  independence  of  America,  and  concluded  a  treaty 
of  alliance  and  commerce. — June  18.  The  British  army  evacuated  Philadei 


154  CHRONOLOGICAL    EISTORT. 

phia,  and  retreated  to  New  York,  followed  cautiously  by  Washington  with 
the  main  body  of  bis  army. — June  2'^.  Brtttle  of  jMonmouth,  in  which  ths 
British  were  signally  defeated  v/ith  great  loss,  and  retieated  to  Sandy  Hook, 
wheoce  they  were  taken  to  New  York  by  their  fleet. — July  'A  Wyoniiug  was 
attacked  by  a  large  body  of  British.  torie«,  and  ludi.insi,  wlio,  aft(-r  the  plMce 
had  been  surrendered,  perpetrated  the  most  inhuman  atrncit'es:  men  women, 
and  childrea  were  shut  up  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  and  cousumed  in  one 
general  conflagration. — Dec.  29.  An  Engli.-h  army  of  2,000  men  lHlld^d  nt-ar 
Savannah,  tbea  defended  by  only  GOO  troops,  and,  after  a  severe  battle,  took 
possession  of  tlie  city,  the  Americans  retreating. 

779.  May  11.  Gen.  Provost,  with  a  large  British  force,  having  invested 
Charleston,  summoned  the  city  to  surrender;  but  the  approach  of  Gen.  Lin- 
coln, who  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  southern  army,  com- 
pelled him  to  retreat. — July  5.  Gen.  Tryon  made  an('ther  desi-ent  on  Connec- 
ticut, and  plundered  and  burned  the  towns  of  New  Haven,  Ea-^t  Haven,  Fair- 
field, and  Norwalk. — Jnly  16.  Stony  Point,  which  had  been  previo\isly  taken 
by  the  enemy,  was  gallantly  recaptured  by  Gen.  Wayne,  the  British  lo.-ing 
upwards  of  600  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners. — Sept.  2.3.  One  of  the 
most  bloody  battles  on  record  was  fought  on  the  coa^t  of  Scotland  between 
the  American  frigate  Bon  Homme  Richard,  Captain  Paul  Jones,  and  two 
British  frigates,  the  Serapis  and  the  Countess  of  Scarborough,  which  re-ulted 
in  a  victory  for  the  Richard,  which  was  so  cut  up,  tha*  she  soon  nfier  sunk. 
Of  a  crew  of  375,  300  were  either  killed  or  wounded.—  .)ct.  9.  A'ter  a  month's 
siege,  a  combined  attack  of  the  French  and  Americans,  under  Courit  D'Esiaing 
and  General  Lincoln,  was  made  on  Savannah,  but  it  proved  unsuccessful,  and 
Gen.  Lincoln  retired  into  S.  Carolina,  while  Count  D'Ksta.ing  withdrew  his 
fleet  from  the  American  coa^t.  Count  Pula>ki  was  mortally  wor.ndtd  during 
the  battle,  and  a  monument  has  since  been  erected  to  his  memory  on  the  spot 
where  he  fell. 

1780.  During  the  most  of  this  year,  military  operations  were  confined  to  the 
Carolinas. — April  9.  Admiral' A rbuthnot,  with  a  p'lwerful  fleet,  whirh  had 
transported  Sir  Henry  Clinton  with  the  bulk  of  his  forces  fiom  New  Yoik  to 
the  South,  anchored  m  Charleston  harbor,  and  summontd  the  city  to  .»unen- 
der.  I'liis  was  rejected,  and  Gen.  Lincoln  and  bis  troojis  made  a  gallant  de- 
fence, until  May  12,  when,  most  of  the  fortiticaiions  having  betn  beaten  down, 
and  the  enemy  being  about  to  make  an  assault,  a  compliance  was  unavoidable, 
and  the  myal  government  was  ag  tin  e^tahli^hed  in  South  Carolina.—  May  12. 
Charleston  surrendered  after  more  than  a  month's  siege. — July  10.  A  French 
squadron,  under  Admiral  de  Ternay.  arrived  at  Newport,  having  on  board 
6,000  men,  commanded  by  Count  de'Kocharubeau. — Augu-t  16.  Gfii.  Gates, 
who  was  advancing  with  a  considerable  force  for  the  lelief  ol  the  South, 

encountered  the  British,  under  Lords Riwdon  and  Gornwallis,  near  Camden, 
S.  C,  and  after  a  desperate  engagement,  was  compelled  to  draw  ofl',  with 
the  loss  of  1,000  men,  and  all  his  artillery,  ammunition  wagons,  and  most  ot 
hij  baggage.  Baron  de  Kalb,  .second  in  command,  was  mortally  wounded, 
dying  oh  the  19th.— Sept.  23.  Major  Andre,  adjutant-general  of  the  British 
army,  was  arrested  near  Tarrytown,  N.Y.,  by  three  militiamen,  John  Paulding, 
DaTtd  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van  Wert.  He  was  returning  from  a  visit  to  Gen. 
Arnold,  then  in  command  of  West  Point,  with  whom  he  had  succes.-fully 
negotiated  f^r  the  surrender  of  that  post.  He  was  soon  after  tried,  convicted, 
and  executed  as  a  spy,,  while  the  traitor  Arnold  unfortunately  escaped.  Being 
allowed  to  write  to  Arnold,  that  officer  of  course  found  that  his  treason  waa 
dii-covered,  nnd  precipitately  fled  on  board  the  sloop  of-war  Vulture,  then 
lying  in  the  Hudson. 

1781.  The  traitor  Arnold,  as  one  of  the  rewards  of  his  crime,  was  made  » 
brigadier  in  the  British  service,  and  early  in  January  he  made  a  descent  u;poa 
Virginia,  ravaging  the  coasts,  and  plundering  and  destroying  public  and  pri- 
vate property  to  a  vast  amount. — Jan.  17.    The  English  cavalry,  tmder  CoL 


CHRONOLOGICAL    HISTORY.  155 

Tarleton,  were  severely  beaten  at  the  Battle  of  Cowpena  by  the  Americans, 
undt-r  Gen.  Morgan,  tttid  lost  300  1!;  killed  and  wounded,  500  prif<oner.-<.  100 
horses,  aiid  a  lirj^e  quantity  of  buggagc.  Morgan's  loss  was  1  (  men  killed  and 
60  wouudrd. — Jan.  31.  Gta.  GruMie.  who  had  been  appointed  to  snpersede 
Gen.  Gate.s  in  the  South,  anived  ac  Cheraw,  and  took  command  of  Morgan's 
diTi4on.— -March  15.  Geu.  (.ireeiie  encountered  the  army  of  Lord  Cornwallia 
at  Guilford  Court  House  ;  but  neither  party  gained  a  decided  advantage, 
and  Greene  withdrew  int  i  South  Carolina,  encampiun  on  Uobkiik's 
Hill,  about  a  mile  from  Camden,  where  Lord  Rawdon  was  then  posited 
— April  25.  Lord  Rawdon  made  an  attack  on  Hobkirk's  Hill,  but  with  so 
little  success,  that  he  soon  after  evacuated  Camden,  and  retired  beyond 
the  Santee  River. — Oct.  S.  The  Americans  and  British,  under  Gen.  Greene 
and  Col.  Stewart,  met  at  Eataw  S^jriugs,  and  a  sanguinary  conflict, 
of  nearly  four  hours,  ensued ;  when  Greene  drew  off  his  troops,  and 
Stewart  retired  to  Monk's  Corner. — Sept.  6.  The  traitor  Arnold  villanously, 
burned  New  London,  and  destroyed  much  private  and  public  property  indis- 
criminately.— Sept.  30.  The  c.mbined  American  ami  French  army,  under 
Waahington  and  Rochimbeau.  suddenly  appeared  ijefore  Yorktown,  where 
Cornwallis  had  concentrated  his  forces,  and  immediately  commenced  the 
construction  of  batteries  and  other  works  for  the  effectual  siege  of  that 
place.  A  French  fleet,  commanded  by  Count  de  Grasse.  had  previously 
entered  the  Chesapeake,  and,  by  blocking  up  James  and  York  rivers, 
prevented  the  cuemys  escape  by  sea — Oct.  19.  Findiu^  retreat  impossible, 
and  resistance  vain,  Cornwallis  surrendered  the  post,  and  thus  7,000  troops 
and  the  shipping  in  the  harbor  were  secured  to  the  victors,  and  the  revo- 
lutionary struggle  virtually  ended.— Dec.  12.  A  resolution  passed  the  British 
House  of  Commons  that  those  who  should  advise  the  king  to  continue  the 
war  in  America,  should  be  declared  enemies  of  the  sovereign  and  of  the 
country. 

1782.  The  independence  of  America  was  acknowledged  by  Holland,  Sweden, 
Denmark,  Spain,  and  Russia. — Early  in  May,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  successor  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  commander  of  ail  the  forces  in  America,  arrived  in  New 
York,  with  iustractioiis  to  prom  ite  an  accommodation  with  the  United  States, 
and  of  cour-e  there  were  no  s  ibseqneat  military  operations  of  importance. — 
Nov.  30.  Pn^limiuary  articles  of  peace  were  signed  .at  Paris  by  Jlr.  Oswald, 
comraisisoner  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  by  John  Adams,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  John  J«3',  and  Hecry  Laurens,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 

1783.  April  19.  On  the  eighth  anniversary  of  the  b;ittle  of  Lexington,  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  was  proclaimed  in  the  Amerii;an  army. — Sept,  3. 
Definitive  treities  of  peace  were  signed  by  the  commitsiouers  of  England  with 
those  of  the  United  Slates,  Fra'ice,  Spain,  and  Holland. — N  )v.  25.  New  York 
was  evacuated  by  the  British  troops. — Dec.  4.  Washington  took  leave  of  the 
army,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  Rev(jlution  returned  peaceably  to  their  homes. 
— Dec.  23.  Washington  resigned  his  commission  into  the  hands  of  Congress, 
then  sitting  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  and  retired  to  private  life. 


Events  subsequent  to  Independence, 

1781.    Nov.  1.  Congress  convened  at  Trenton,  N.  J.,  but  ti-ansacted  little  busi- 
ness of  permanent  importance. 

1785.    June  2.    John  Ad  ims,  first  minister  from  the  United  States  to  Great 
Britain,  had  his  !ir>t  audience  with  the  king. 

17t'6.    Shay  "a  Reliellion  iu  Mar  sachusotts  and  New  Hampshire. 

J 787.    Sept.  17.  The  ConstitutiQn  of  the  United  States  was  adopted  at  Phil» 
delphia.- -Daniel  Shay  and  his  party  dispersed  by  Gen  Lincoln. 


156  CHRONOLOGICAL    HISTORY. 

17SS.    Eleven  States  ratified  the  Constitution — Election  for  President  of  the  XJ 
States. 

1780.  March  4.  Congress  assembled  at  New  York,  but  did  not  organize  till 
April  6. — April  30.  George  Washington  was  sworn  into  office  as  the  first 
Presideut,  and  John  Adams  as  tue  first  Vice-President  of  the  U.  States. 

790.  In  May,  Rhode  Island  acceded  to  the  Constitution. — Sept.  30.  Gen. 
Harmer  defeated  by  the  Indians  near  Chilicothe. — The  first  census  completed, 
showing-population,  3,921,326  revenue,  $4,771,000  ;  exports,  $19,000,000  ; 
imports,  $20,000,000. 

791.  Vermont,  having  acceded  to  the  Constitution,  was  admitted  into  thf/ 
Union. — The  first  U.  S.  Bank  was  chartered  by  Congress,  but  not  without 
powerful  opposition. 

1792.  The  Mint  was  established. — Kentucky  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1793.  April  22.  President  Washington  issued  a  proclamation  of  neutrality  in 
regard  to  the  affairs  of  France,  which  were  beginning  to  affect  American 
politics. — Washington  and  Adams  were  re-elected. 

1794.  Aug.  20.  Gen.  Wayne  obtained  so  decisive  a  victory  over  the  hostile 
Indians,  as  to  produce  a  salutary  effect  upon  all  the  tribes  north-west  of  the 
Ohio. 

1795.  Treaties  were  concluded  with  Spain  and  Algiers. 

1796.  Sept.  17.  Wa-shington  signified  his  intention  to  retire  from  public  life, 
and  published  his  Fare'.vell  Address. — Tennessee  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1797.  March  4.  John  Adams  was  inaugurated  as  President,  and  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Vice-President. 

1798.  Congress  again  elected  Gen.  Wa.shington  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 

1799.  Dec.  14.  Gen.  Washington  died  at  Mount  Vernon,  after  a  very  short  illness. 

1800.  The  seat  of  government  was  transferred  to  Wa^^hington  City. — Sept.  30. 
A  treaty  was  concluded  with  the  French  Directory.— President  Adants  signed 
the  alien  and  sedition  laws. 

1801.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  elected  President,  and  Aaron  Burr  Vice-Presi" 
dent. — Congress  declared  war  against  Tripoli. — The  second  census  was  com- 
pleted, and  sho^red — population,  5,319,762  ;  revenue,  $12,946,000  ;  exports. 
$94,000,000. 

1802.  New  Orleans  was  ceded  by  Spain  to  France,  and  the  Mississippi  closed 
against  the  United  States Ohio  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1803.  Louisiana  was  purchased  of  the  French  by  the  United  States  for 
$15,000,000. — Com.  Preble  sailed  with  a  squadron  for  Tripoli;  the  frigate 
Philadelphia  got  aground  in  the  harbor,  and  was  captured  by  the  barbarians. 

1804.  Capt.  Eaton  was  appointed  navy  agent  for  the  Barbary  powers Lieut. 

(afterwards  Com.)  Decatur  recaptured  and  destroyed  the  frigate  Philadelphia, 
under  a  terrific  fire  from  the  enemy's  guns. 

1-805.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  re-elected  President,  and  George  Clinton  Vice- 
President — Peace  was  concluded  with  Tripoli,  and  200  prisoners  were  given 
up  to  the  United  States. 

1806.  England  began  to  impress  American  seamen,  on  the  plea  of  their  having 
been  born  in  that  kingdom. — Nov.  21.  Berlin  decree  issued  by  Bonaparte, 
crippling  American  commerce. 

18C7.  Aaron  Burr,  formerly  Vice-President,  was  tried  at  Richmond  for  high 
treason,  but  was  acquitted,  owing  to  the  insufficiency  of  evidence. 

ISOS.  June  22.  The  American  frigate  Chesapeake  was  fired  into  by  the 
British  ship-of- war  Leopard,  for  refusing  to  deliver  up  four  men  who  were 
claimed  as  English  subjects  ;  three  men  were  killed  and  eightsen  wounded. — 
In  November,  the  British  government  issued  the  celebrated  "  Orders  in  Coua 


CHRONOLOGICAL    HISTORY.  151 

«»i,"  prohibiting  all  trade  with  France  and  her  allies ;  and  in  DecembPT, 
Bonapirte  issued  the  retaliatory  "  Milan  decree,"' idrbidding  all  Imde  with 
Eiiglaud  and  her  colonies. — Dec.  22.  Congiess  decreed  an  embargo,  the  de- 
sign of  which  was  to  retaliate  on  France  and  England  for  uijust  ccmnurcial 
prohibitions. 

1809.  March  1.  Congress  repealed  the  embargo  act,,  but  at  the  same  lime 
interdicted  all  commeicial  intercourse  with  France  or  England. 

ISIO.  In  November,  all  the  hostile  decrees  of  the  French  were  revoked,  and 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  United  States  was  rei^umed;  but  those  of 
England  were  not  oulj  continued,  but  ships  of  war  were  stationed  near  the 
principal  American  ports  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  our  merchaniDien , 
which  were  captured,  and  .-^ent  to  British  ports  as  legal  piizes. 

isll.  May  16.  The  British  ship-of-war  Little  Belt,  Capt.  Bingham,  was  hailed 
in  the  evening  on  the  coast  of  Virginia  by  the  U.  S.  l'ri,c;ate  President,  Capt. 
Rodgers,  but  in-tead  of  receiving  a  satisfartory  an.->wer,  a  shot  wa-i  fired  in 
return,  when  a  brief  engagement  followed,  in  whioh  eleven  of  the  enemy  were 
killed  and  twenty-one  wounded.    The  Pre.-ir'eut  had  only  one  man  wounded 

1812.  June  17.  President  Madison  issued  a  proclanuition  of  war  agains 
England,  and  exertions  were  immedately  made  to  enlist  25,000  men,  to  raise 
60,000  volunteers,  and  to  call  out  lOO.OUO  militia. 

1814.  In  August,  Washington  City  .surrendered  to  a  British  army,  who  des- 
troyed theCapitol,  President's  Mansion,  and  many  other  valuable  buildings, 
Ac. — Dec.  24.  Treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  concluded  at  Ghent. 

1815.  Jan.  8.  Battle  of  New  Orleans,  in  which  the  Britii^h,  under  Sir  E. 
Packenham  were  signally  repulsed  by  the  Americans,  under  Gen.  Jackr^on. 

1816.  In  April,  Congress  chartered  the  U.  S.  Bank,  with  a  capital  of  $35, 
000,000. — Indiana  admitted  into  the  Union. — American  Colonization  Society 
formed. 

1817.  March  4.  James  Monroe  and  Daniel  1).  Tompkins  were  inaugurated  as 
President  and  Vice-President. — Mississippi  admitted  iuto  the  Union, 

1818.  Seminole  War,  in  which  Gen.  Jacksoa  obtained  many  important  vic- 
tories, and  finally  "  conquered  peace." — July  4.  Ground  hr.-.t  broken  in  New 
York  for  the  Hudson  and  Erie  Canal. — Illinois  and  Alabama  admitted  into 
the  Union. 

1819.  Feb.  23.  The  Floridas  ceded  by  Spain  to  the  Uuited  States  for  $.3,000,000, 
which  sum  was  to  be  paid  to  American  citizens  as  indemnities  for  spoliations 
on  their  commerce  during  the  Penintular  war. 

1820.  Maine  and  Missouri  were  admitted  into  the  Union. — The  Coranromise 
Act  passed,  by  which  slavery  wad  excluded  fr'-m  all  territoiy  lying  north  of 
36"  30'  N.  latitude. 

1821.  James  Monroe  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  were  re-elected  President  and 
Vice  Presiderit. 

1822.  Ministers  plenipotentiary  sent  to  Mexico,  Buenos  Ayres,  Colombia,  and 
Gtiili.— Convention  of  Navigation  and  Commerce  between  the  United  States 
and  France. — Piracy  was  alarmingly  prevalent  in  the  West  ludiei. 

1824.  Aug.  15.  Gen.  Lafayette  arrived  in  New  York  from  France,  and  spent 
ibe  year  in  traveling  through  the  country,  being  received  at  evtry  place  with 
tfVeal  euthusia.sm. 

1825.  .March  4.  John  Quincy  Adams  and  John  C.  Calhoun  inan£arated  aa 
President  and  Vice-President.— Sept.  7.  Gen.  ].,;;rayctte  embarked  for  Fii)nce_ 
in  the  frigate  Brandywine,  which  had  bceii  fitted  out  expressly  fur  his  accota 
modatioo. 

1826.  July  4.  Centennial  Anniversary  of  AmericwD  Independence.— Remark- 
able coiucidence  in  the  death  of  John  Adams  nnd 'I'homas  Jeffersoa,  eacho/ 
whom  died  that  day. 


i 


158  CHRONOLOGICAL    HISTORT. 

1829.  March  4.  Attflrew  Jack -ion  aud  John  C.  Oalhoua  inaugurated  as  Presl 
dent  and  Vice  President— the  latter  re  elected. 

1832.  The  Sacs,  Foxes,  Winnebagoes,  and  some  other  Indian  tribes,  under 
the  Chief  Rlacli  Hawk,  made  war  oa  the  northwestern  t'routier,  bat  were 
soon  brought  to  submisyion. — A.  Convention  in  South  Carolina  threatened  to 
dissolve  the  Union,  but  the  Pre-iident  issued  a  proclamation  (Dec.  12)  which 
allayed  all  apprehension  of  trouble. 

1833.  March  4.  Andrew  Jackson  and  Martin  Van  Buren  were  inaugurated  iia 
President  and  Vice-President — the  former  re-elected. — The  pub'ic  funds  were 
removed  from  the  U.  S.  Bank,  which  occasioned  mujh  excitement. 

1835.  The  Florida  War  was  commenced  by  Indian  hostilities  against  the  settle- 
ments. Dec.  24.  Major  Dade  and  upwards  of  100  men  were  unexpectedly 
attacked,  and  all  savagely  butchered,  except  four,  who  were  so  horribly  man- 
gled that  they  died  soon  afterwards.  On  the  same  day,  while  Gen.  Thompson 
and  eight  friends  were  diniusr  together  near  Port  Kiag,  they  were  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  warriors  under  Osceola,  and  five  out  of  the  nine  were  killed  and 
scalped.    Gen.  T.'s  body  was  pierced  by  fifteen  bullets. 

1836.  The  Florida  war  was  vigorously  prosecuted  by  Generals  Gaines,  Clinch, 
Jesup,  and  Call,  and  several  desperate  battles  were  fought,  but  without  any 
material  advantage  to  the  whites. — Arkansas  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1837.  March  4.  Great  commercial  distress  prevailed,  and  nearly  all  the 
banks  m  the  country  suspended  specie  payments. — An  extra  session  of 
Congre-^s  was  held  in  September,  but  nothing  was  done,  except  authorizing 
the  government  to  issue  S10,000,000  in  Treasury  notes. — Oct.  21.  The  Indian 
chief  Osceola  was  captured,  and  died  the  following  January. — Michigan  was 
admitted  into  the  Union. 

1840.  General  Macomb,  who  took  command  of  the  army  in  Florida  (numbering 
about  9,000),  concluded   a  treaty  of  peace  with  several  Indian  chiefs. — The 

-Indepeudent  Treasury  Bill  became  a  law. 

1841.  March  4.  William  H.  Harrison  and  John  Tyler  were  maugUrated  a* 
President  and  Vice-President. — April  4.  President  Harrison  died,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  M'r.  Tyler. — May  31.  An  extra  session  of  Congress  convened,  but 
they  did  little,  except  to  pass  the  Bankrupt  Bill. 

1842.  A  treaty  adjusting  the  N.  E.  boundary  of  the  U.  S.,  concluded  with  Great 
Britain. 

1845.  March  4.  James  K.  Polk  and  George  M.  Dallas  were  inaugurated  as 
President  and  Vice-President. — Texas  was  annexed  to  the  United  State-,  and 
this  led  to  a  War  with  Mexico,  which  resulted  in  a  series  of  brilliant  victories, 
and  in  the  extension  of  American  territory  on  the  Pacific  ocean.  Florida  waa 
admitted  into  the  Union. 

1846.  Iowa  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1847.  Wisconsin  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1849.  March  4.  Zachary  Taylor  and  Millard  Fillmore  were  inaugurated  aa 
President  and  Vice-President. 

1850.  July  9.  Prctident  Taylor  died,  after  a  very  brief  illness,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Mr.  Fillmore.— Sept.  18.  Fugitive  Slave  Law  approved.— California 
admitted  into  the  Union. 

1853.  Franklin  Pierce  and  William  R  King,  having  been  elected  President 
and  Vice-President,  the  former  was  duly  inaugurated,  but  the  latter,  beiog 
absent  in  Cuht,  whither  he  had  gon-  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  was  not 
sworn  into  office  until  some  time  in  April.  He  did  not  live  lonsr  after  reaching 
home,  and  Jesse  D.  Bright,  President  of  the  Senate,  assumed  his  office  during 
the  remainder  of  the  tei-m. 

1854.  Congress  passed  an  Act  to  Organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and 
Kansas,  and  also  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act 


CHRONOLOGICAL    HISTORY.  169 

1867.  James  Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckinridge  inaugurated  as  President 
and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. — A  year  of  severe  embarrassments 
and  financial  distress  throughout  the  country.  Nearly  all  the  Banks  in  the 
IJuited  States  suspended  specie  payments,  as  in  18a7,  and  many  heavy  failures 
occurred. — Minnesota  admitted  into  the  Unicn. 

18.58.    Specie  payments  resumed.— Atlantic  Telegraph  laid.— Crystal   Palace 

burned. 
1S59.    Oregon  admitted  into  the  Union. 

1860.  Visit  of  the  Ambassadors  of  the  Japanese  GoTernment  to  the  United 
States.— Arrival  of  the  Steamship  "  Great  liastern"  at  New  York. 


Ay  ff 


